1Co 16:1. The construction may be: ὥσπερ περὶ τῆς λογ. διέτ. ταῖς ἐκκλ. τῆς Γαλ., οὕτω κ.τ.λ. Comp. 2Co 9:1; also 1Co 12:1. Still περὶ … ἁγίους may also be taken by itself (de Wette and others), comp. 1Co 16:12; 1Co 7:1; 1Co 8:1. We cannot, indeed, decide, but the latter is more in harmony with the inartificial movement of the epistolary styl.
λογία· συλλογῇ, Suidas, comp. Hesychius. Without example elsewhere save in the Father.
εἰς τοὺς ἁγίους] i.e. εἰς τοὺς πτωχοὺς τῶν ἁγίων τῶν ἐν Ἱερουσαλήμ, Rom 15:26. This detail, however, was obvious of itself to the readers; the assumption that οἱ ἅγιοι by itself denoted the mother church (Hofmann)[101] is neither necessary nor capable of proof; they are the ἅγιοι who are known; the readers were acquainted with the fact, for whom the apostle made the collection.
The poverty of the church at Jerusalem explains itself in part from the community of goods which had formerly[102] subsisted there (see on Act 2:44 f.). This poverty itself, along with the high interest excited by what was in truth the mother church of the whole of Christendom, as well as Gal 2:10, and generally Paul’s love for his people (Rom 9:3), which made sacrifices with joy, form a sufficient explanation of his great zeal in their support, and of his delivering over the sums raised in person, notwithstanding of the dangers which he saw before him. Rückert’s view (comp. also Olshausen), that Paul desired to appease the minds of the Jewish Christians there which were embittered against him, before he journeyed into the west, has no trace whatever of its existence either in the Acts or the Epistles. See, on the contrary, Act 21:17-24. Rückert even asserts that such a reason alone could justify him in undertaking so perilous a journey. But see Act 20:22-24.
τῆς Γαλατ.] whether from Ephesus by messengers, or in person on the journey mentioned in Act 18:23 (Osiander, Neander, Wieseler), or by letter (so Ewald), must be left undecided. In the Epistle to the Galatians preserved to us there is no mention of this collection; for Gal 2:10 is of general import, although it is the basis of the apostolic διατάσσειν, as well as the special warrant for it. For the rest, Bengel aptly says: “Galatarum exemplum Corinthiis, Corinthiorum exemplum Macedonibus, et Macedonum Romanis proponit, 2Co 9:2; Rom 15:26. Magna exemplorum vis.” But a proof, too, how Paul sought to foster the community of life and effort in his churches (comp. Lechler, p. 364 f.), and how the appointed mode of doing so had already approved itself.
[101] See in opposition to this explanation of οἱ ἅγιοι, which was previously proposed by Wieseler also, Riehm, Lehrbegr. d. Hebr. Br. p. xviii. ed. 2.
[102] The community of goods cannot by this time have subsisted any longer; otherwise it could not have been said, Rom. l.c., τοὺς πτωχοὺς τῶν ἁγίων. See Act 4:34.
1Co 16:2. Κατὰ μίαν σαββάτου] on each first day of the week. A Hebraism very common in the New Testament, in accordance with the Jewish custom of designating the days of the week by אחר בשבת, שּׁני בשבת, etc. Lightfoot, Hor. ad Mat 28:1. The singular of σαββ. also means week, as in Mar 16:9; Luk 18:12.
It does not, indeed, follow from this passage in itself that the Sunday was already observed at that time by assemblies for the worship of God, although this is to be assumed from other indications (see regarding this on Act 20:7); for παρʼ ἑαυτῷ τιθέτω cannot refer to the laying down of money in the assembly (Estius, Bengel, Mosheim, al.); but no doubt it does show that to the Christian consciousness it was a holy day in whose consecration the appropriateness of such works of love was felt, τὰ γὰρ ἀπόῤῥητα ἀγαθὰ καὶ ἡ ῥίζα καὶ ἡ ἀρχὴ τῆς ζωῆς ἡμετέρας ἐν ταύτη γέγονεν, Chrysosto.
παρʼ ἑαυτῷ τιθέτω κ.τ.λ.] let him lay up in store at home whatever (quodcunque) he succeeds in, i.e. if he has success in anything, let him lay it up (i.e. what has been gained thereby), comp. expressions such as in Joh 12:5; Mat 19:21, etc. Comp. Herod. vi. 73: Κλεομένεϊ εὐωδώθη τὸ πρῆγμα. Sir 11:16; Sir 38:14; Sir 41:1; Tob 4:19; 3Jn 1:2. To supply θησαυρίζειν after εὐοδ. (Hofmann) is superfluous. Explanations such as quod ei placuerit (Vulgate,[103] Erasmus, Paraphr., Luther, al.), and that of Billroth and Rückert, following older interpreters: what is possible for him without burdening himself, are not in accordance with the literal sense of εὐοδόω (see on Rom 1:10). ΠΑΡʼ ἙΑΥΤῷ: at home, chez lui, see on Luk 24:12. Loesner, Obss. p. 297. θησαυρίζων: “paulatim cumulum aliquem faciens,” Grotiu.
ἽΝΑ ΜῊ Κ.Τ.Λ.] in order that gatherings be not made, when I shall have come. The collection was to be then so far already made, that every one would only have to produce what he had already gathered together week by week out of his profits in trade. By this whole injunction Paul doubtless had in view both the enlargement and the acceleration in due season of the collection.
[103] The Vulgate, perhaps, may have read εὐδοκῇ. Comp. the Gothic: “thatei vili” (what he will).
1Co 16:3. Οὓς ἐὰν δοκιμ.] whomsoever you shall consider fit. Paul thus makes the appointment of the persons who were to bring the money dependent upon the choice of his readers; hence Grotius observes: “Vide, quomodo vir tantus nullam suspicioni rimam aperire voluerit.” It is possible, however, that he had never thought of that; for it was quite natural for him, with his fine practical tact, not to anticipate the givers as respects the transmission of their gift.
διʼ ἐπιστολῶν] by means of letters, by my giving them letters along with them to express their mission. Comp. Winer, p. 356 [E. T. 476]. The plural might denote the category (by way of letter), and thus only one letter be meant (Heumann); but there is nothing to compel us to depart from the plural sense, for Paul very reasonably might design to write different letters to several persons at Jerusalem.[104] Διʼ ἐπιστ. is to be connected with what follows (Chrysostom, Theophylact, and the majority of modern expositors), and it is put first, because Paul has already in his mind the other possible alternative, that he himself may make the journey. The majority of the older editors (except Er. Schmid), also Beza, Calvin, Estius, al., connect it with δοκιμ.: “quos Hierosolymitanis per epistolas commendaveritis,” Wetstein. But in that case the ΠΈΜΨΩ would surely be somewhat meaningless! No; the bearers of the collection are to be chosen by the givers; but it is Paul, as the originator and apostolically commissioned steward (Gal 2:10) of the collection, who sends the mone.
τὴν χάριν ὑμ.] your love gift, beneficium. Comp. 2Co 8:4; 2Co 8:6-7; 2Co 8:19. “Gratiosa appellatio,” Bengel; comp. Oecumenius; Xen. Ag. iv. 4 f., Hier. viii. 4; Sir 3:29; Sir 30:6; Sir 29:15; 4Ma 5:8.
[104] We see, too, from this passage how common it was for the apostle, in the course of his work, to indite letters even to individuals. Who knows how many of such writings of his have been lost! The only letter of the kind which we still have (setting aside the pastoral Epistles), that to Philemon, owes its preservation perhaps solely to the circumstance that it was addressed at the same time to the church in the house (Phm 1:2).
1Co 16:4. In case, however, of it (what is being spoken of, i.e. the result of the collection) being worthy that I too should journey (to Jerusalem),[105] then they shall journey with me. The genitive τοῦ πορεύεσθαι depends upon ἄξιον. Comp. Fritzsche, ad Matth. p. 845; Winer, p. 304 [E. T. 408].
Paul makes his own journeying thither dependent upon the issue of the collection, not, of course, for the sake of safety in its conveyance, nor yet because, in the event of a considerable sum being realized, he desired to be independent in connection with the application of it, but-which alone results from ἄξιον without arbitrariness-because a scanty sum would have been disproportionate to an extraordinary mission. Consideration for the decorum attaching to the apostolic rank underlies his procedure, not the prudential motive: “in order, on this opportunity, to fulfil his purpose of going to Jerusalem (Act 19:21), and to prepare for himself there a good reception” (de Wette), or in order by this journey to heal the breach between the Jewish and Gentile Christians (Baur). Bengel says well: “Justa aestimatio sui non est superbia.” At the same time, he will not undertake this charge alone; see 2Co 8:20.
[105] It is clear from κᾀμὲ πορ. that he will not make the journey at any rate. (Hofmann), but that he makes it dependent on the above-named circumstance whether he also shall journey thither. What a strange state of things, too, would be the result, if he were resolved to journey at any rate, but the messengers, in the event of the collection proving a small one, were to make the journey not in his company, but alone! Paul assuredly did not contemplate anything so paltry.
1Co 16:5 f. His arrival, which had not hitherto been specifically determined, is now defined by him as respects its tim.
ὅταν Μακεδ. διέλθω] According to 2Co 1:15, it had previously been his plan to proceed from Ephesus by Corinth to Macedonia, from Macedonia again back to Corinth, and then onward to Jerusalem. This plan, however, he has altered (see 2Co 1:15; 2Co 1:23 ff.), and he now intends to journey first through Macedonia, and then to Corinth, where he thinks perhaps (τυχόν) to spend some time, or even to winter. In the second Epistle, too, we see him actually engaged on this journey in Macedonia (2Co 2:13; 2Co 8:1; 2Co 9:2; 2Co 9:4), and upon the way to Corinth (1Co 2:1, 1Co 12:14, 1Co 13:1, al.). Act 20:1-2, agrees with thi.
Μακεδ. γὰρ διέρχ.] is not a parenthesis, but the Μακεδ. put first corresponds to the πρὸς ὑμᾶς δέ which follows, and the διέρχομαι to the παραμενῶ: for Macedonia I journey through (without halting), but with you will I perhaps remain. The present διέρχ. designates the future as present in conception, i.e. conceived as quite certain. From the erroneous rendering: I am on my journey through Macedonia, arose the erroneous statement in the subscription, that the letter was written from Philipp.
παραμενῶ] he remained three months, Act 20:2.
ἵνα ὑμεῖς κ.τ.λ.] ὑμεῖς has the emphasis. Were Paul to remain in another church, others would give him the escort; there is something kindly both in ἵνα and in ὑμεῖς, the unprompted thoughtfulness of lov.
τυχόν] forsan, only here in the New Testament, very common in Greek writer.
οὗ] As Luk 10:1. Bornemann, Schol. in loc.; Kühner, II. p. 318. Whither his thoughts, however, were generally turned at that time, see Act 19:21.
1Co 16:7. For it is not my will to see you now in passing. Since he does not say πάλιν ἐν παρ., but ἄρτι ἐν παρ., no inference can be drawn from this passage to decide the question (see Introduction to 2 Cor. § 2) whether Paul had been already twice in Corinth before writing our Epistle to the Corinthians (in opposition to Schrader, Neander, Wieseler, Otto); but he says simply: it is not his will now to visit the Corinthians only as a passing traveller, which leaves it quite undecided whether he has already previously visited them once ἐν παρόδῳ (so, too, Hofmann) or not. In order rightly to understand the passage, observe that the ὑμᾶς, which is put first on that account, has the emphasis, in contrast to the Macedonians. The Corinthians, in the journey which he is now about to make, are to have the advantage over the Macedonians, whom he will only see in journeying through, 1Co 16:5.[106] According to Billroth and others, the thought is meant to be, that he will not now see them, as he had formerly intended, on his journey through (to Macedonia). But in that case he would have written: ἄρτι γὰρ οὐ θέλω κ.τ.λ. Regarding ἐν παρόδῳ, comp. Thuc. i. 126. 7, v. 4. 5, vii. 2. 3; Polyb. v. 68. 8; Lucian, D. Deor. xxiv. 2.
ἐλπίζω γὰρ κ.τ.λ.] ground of the οὐ θέλω κ.τ.λ.; for he hopes that the Lord will enable him to make a longer visit to the church than merely ἐν παρόδῳ, and upon the ground of this hope it is not his will, et.
ὁ κύριος] Christ, in whose service the apostle journeys and works (Act 16:7; Act 16:10).
ἐπιτρέψῃ] shall have allowed, i.e. shall have given signs of His approval. “Pia conditio,” Bengel. Comp. 1Co 4:19.
[106] This also against Otto, Pastoralb. p. 356 f.
1Co 16:8-9. Paul now mentions the duration of his present stay in Ephesus, and the reason of i.
τῆς πεντηκ.] is the immediately impending festival of Pentecost. See Introduction, § 3. Nothing can be inferred from our text, which contains simply a statement of time, in support of a Christian celebration of this festival as already by this time subsistin.
θύρα γάρ μοι κ.τ.λ.] The figurative expression (comp. Wetstein) denotes the opportunity opened before him for working (otherwise Act 14:27). Comp. 2Co 2:12, and see on Col 4:3. Μεγάλη applies to the extent, ἐνεργ. to the influence of the sphere of action offered; the latter epithet, however, powerful, corresponds not to the figure but to the matter, and even to that only in so far as it is conceived of as immediately connected with the opened θύρα,-a want of congruity in the animated and versatile mode of representation (comp. Plato, Phaedr. p. 245 A: Μουσῶν ἐπὶ ποιητικὰς θύρας ἀφίκηται) which occasioned the reading ἐναργής, evidens (Vulgate, Itala, Pelagius, Ambrosiaster, Beda), which occurs in Phm 1:6, and is approved by Beza, Grotius, Bos, and Clericus. As regards the later Greek of ἀνέῳγεν (instead of ἀνέῳκται, as 46, Theophylact and Oecumenius actually read), see Lobeck, ad Phryn. p. 157 f.
κ. ἀντικείμ. πολλοί] “quibus resistam. Saepe bonum et contra ea malum simul valde vigent,” Bengel.
1Co 16:10-11. Recommendation of Timothy (1Co 4:17) to be well received and escorted back. He is not the bearer of our Epistle (Bleek), but journeyed through Macedonia (Act 19:22), and must arrive in Corinth later than the Epistl.
ἐὰν δὲ ἔλθῃ] if, indeed, he shall have come. Rückert holds that ὅταν would have been more correct. Either one or other was correct, just according to the conception of the writer. He conceives of the arrival of Timothy as conditioned by the circumstances, and therefore places it under the hypothetical, not under the temporal (ὅταν), point of vie.
ἵνα κ.τ.λ.] design of the βλέπετε: be careful, in order that he, etc. Paul might also have written negatively: βλέπετε, μὴ ἐν φόβῳ (1Co 2:3), or ἵνα μὴ ἐ. φ. (2Jn 1:8), etc. The positive expression, however, demands more; his going out and in among the readers is to be free from fear. Comp. on γίνεσθαι with the adverb of the mode of the going out and in, Herod. i. 8, ix. 109; Plut. Alex. 69, Demetr. 11, Mor. p. 127 A; also Plato, Prot. 325 B; Tob 7:9; Tob 7:11; 1Ma 8:29. They are so to conduct themselves towards him that he shall not be intimidated among them. This peculiar ἀφόβως, as well as the reason assigned which follows τὸ γὰρ ἔργον κ.τ.λ., and the conclusion again drawn from it: μή τις οὖν αὐτ. ἐξουθενήσῃ, make it probable that Paul has in view not the ill-will of his own opponents, which his friend might encounter. (Osiander, Neander), with which the τὸ γὰρ … ὡς καὶ ἐγώ does not well agree, but the youth of Timothy (1Ti 4:12), on account of which, in a church to some extent of a high-minded tendency, he might easily be not held in full respect, slighted and intimidated. So already Chrysostom and the majority of interpreters. The conjecture that Timothy was of a timid nature (de Wette) is without a trace of historical support, and is superfluous. Regarding τὸ ἔργ. τοῦ κυρ., see on 1Co 15:58.
ἐν εἰρήνῃ] is not to be explained from the formula: πορεύεσθαι ἐν εἰρήνῃ (so Calvin: “salvum ab omni noxa,” comp. Beza, Flatt, Maier), since, on the contrary, the context would lead us to think, in accordance with ἀφόβως and μή τις ἐξουθ., of a peaceful escort, a προπέμπειν in peace and concord, χωρὶς μάχης κ. φιλονεικίας (Chrysostom, Theophylact). Flatt and Hofmann refer ἐν εἰρ. to what follows (that he may come to me safely and without danger). But the subsequent reason assigned contains nothing referable to ἐν εἰρήνῃ, which must have been the case, had it been so emphatically put first. Besides, the escort to be given was not for protection, but in testimony of love and reverenc.
ἵνα ἔλθῃ πρός με] There is implied, namely, in προπέμψατε κ.τ.λ., with its aim as here defined: “in order that he may come (back) to me,” the admonition not to detain him too long in Corinth-for Paul is expecting hi.
μετὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν] Several others, therefore, besides Erastus (Act 19:22), had journeyed with Timothy.[107]
[107] To refer it to ἐκδέχ.: I with the brethren who are here (Bengel and de Wette undecidedly, older interpreters in Calovius, and again Hofmann), has the analogy of ver. 12 against it. It was usual that several should be sent together on such missions.
1Co 16:12. Δέ] marks the transition from Timothy to Apollo.
περὶ δὲ Ἀπ. τοῦ ἀδ.] stands independently: quod attinet ad Apoll., as 1Co 16:1; 1Co 7:1.
ἵνα ἔλθῃ κ.τ.λ.] design of the πολλὰ παρεκάλεσα αὐτόν: I have advised him much, in order that he should come, etc. Paul makes this remark: “ne Corinthii suspicentur, ab eo fuisse impeditum,” Calvin. Perhaps they had expressly besought that Apollos might be sent to the.
πολλά is intensive, as in 1Co 16:19, and often in Greek writer.
μετὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν] These are the Corinthian Christians, who journeyed back from Ephesus to Corinth with this Epistle. See 1Co 16:17. Here also the words are not to be joined with παρεκάλεσα (Hofmann), but with ἵνα ἔλθῃ κ.τ.λ., beside which they stan.
καὶ πάντως κ.τ.λ.] And the will was wholly (out and out) lacking (“sermo quasi impersonalis,” Bengel) in order to come now, comp. Mat 18:14. The context compels us to understand θέλημα of the will of Apollos, not of God’s will (Theodoret, Oecumenius, Theophylact, Bengel, Rückert). καί does not stand for ἀλλά (Beza and others), comp. Rom 1:13.
ὅταν εὐκαιρ.] So soon as he shall have found a convenient time for it. Regarding the lateness of the word in Greek, see Lobeck, ad Phryn. p. 125.
REMARK.
It follows from this passage that Apollos, who by this time must have been again (Act 18:24 ff.) in Ephesus,[108] was neither a faction-maker nor at variance with Paul, for Paul himself plainly regarded his going to Corinth as a thing advantageous and to be desired. Hence, too, the refusal of Apollos is not to be explained from fear of adding new fuel to the party heats, but simply from the contents of the ὍΤΑΝ ΕὐΚΑΙΡΉΣῌ. He must have found hindrances for the present in the relations of his work, by which he saw himself detained from the desired journey until a more convenient time, so that he did not yield even to the advice of the apostle. The text tells us nothing further; but the Corinthians themselves might learn more details from the bearers of the Epistle. Van Hengel (Gave d. talen. p. 111 f.) brings the refusal into a too arbitrarily assumed connection with the Corinthian misuse of the glossolalia.
[108] He seems, however, just when this letter was written to have been absent for a time, since no special greeting is sent from him.
1Co 16:13 f. In conclusion of the whole Epistle, and without connection or reference to what has immediately preceded, there is now added a concise exhortation which compresses closely together, in five imperatives following each other asyndetically, the whole sum of the Christian calling, upon which are then to follow some personal commendations and greetings, as well as, lastly, the proper closing greeting and the benediction.
The γρηγορεῖτε summons to Christian foresight and soberness, without which stedfastness in the faith (στήκ. ἐν τ. πίστ.) is not possible; ἀνδρίζεσθε and κραταιοῦσθε, again, to the manly (“muliebris enim omnis inconstantia,” Pelagius) and vigorous resistance against all dangers, without which that stedfastness cannot continu.
ἀνδρίζεσθαι] to bear oneself manfully, to be manly in bearing and action; only here in the New Testament, but often in classic writers, see Wetstein, and in the LXX. Comp. the Homeric ἀνέρες ἐστε, Il. v. 529; and see, also, Valckenaer, ad Herod. vii. 210; Heind. ad Plat. Phaedr. p. 239 B. Comp. ἀνδρικῶς ὑπομεῖναι μάχεσθαι κ.τ.λ., Ast, Lex. Plat. I. p. 165.
κραταιοῦσθε] be strong. Comp. Eph 3:16 : δυνάμει κραταιωθῆναι διὰ τοῦ πνεύματος αὐτοῦ εἰς τὸν ἔσω ἄνθρωπον. The verbal form occurs in the LXX. and Apocrypha; not in Greek writers, who say κρατύνεσθαι.
ἐν ἀγάπῃ] as in the life-sphere of the whole Christian dispositions and action, chap. 13, and, in particular, of mutual edification, 1Co 8:1.
1Co 16:15-18. Commendation of the three Corinthian delegates who had brought to the apostle the letter of the church; first of all (1Co 16:15 f.) and chiefly, of Stephanas (1Co 1:16) and his house. The special expression which Paul gives (1Co 16:16) to the commendation of Stephanas must have been grounded in some antagonism unknown to us, which the man had to lament in his work for the churc.
παρακαλῶ] The question is, Whether the exhortation itself begins at once with οἴδατε (so that the latter would be imperative), or only with ἵνα, so that οἴδατε would be indicative, and the passage ending with ἑαυτούς would put forward the motive in the first place? The latter is the ordinary view and the only correct one, for οἴδατε as an imperative form (instead of ἴστε) cannot be pointed out (in opposition to Erasmus, Wolf, Heydenreich); on the supposition of its being imperative, εἰδέναι would require to be taken as in 1Th 5:12 (“ut jubeat agnosci bene meritos,” Erasmus); on the view of its being indicative, it is the simple know. The construction is the ordinary attraction οἶδά σε τίς εἶ, and οἴδατε … ἑαυτούς is an auxiliary thought which interrupts the construction (comp. Dissen, ad Dem. de Cor. p. 34 b).
ἀπαρχὴ τῆς Ἀχ.] i.e. the first family which had accepted Christianity in Achaia; the holy first-fruits of the land, in so far as it was destined to become, and was in process of becoming, Christian. Comp. Rom 15:6.
ἔταξαν] The plural, on account of the collective οἰκία. They have set themselves (voluntarily devoted themselves and placed themselves at the post) for the service of the saints. Instances of τάσσειν ἑαυτόν in this sense may be seen in Wetstein and Kypke, II. p. 234. Comp. Plato, Rep. p. 371 C: ἑαυτοὺς ἐπὶ τὴν διακονίαν τάττουσι ταύτην, Xen. Ages. ii. 25, Mem. ii. 1. 11. Beza denies the emphasis of ἑαυτούς, unwarrantably, but in the interest of the “vocatio legitima.”[109] We have no more precise knowledge of the historical circumstances here pointed to. Perhaps Stephanas devoted himself also especially to journeys, embassies, execution of special commissions, and the like; his wife, to the care of the poor and sic.
ΤΟῖς ἉΓΊΟΙς is an appropriating dative to ΔΙΑΚ. See, already, Raphel, Xenoph. in loc.; Bernhardy, p. 88. By οἱ ἅγιοι are meant the Christians, as in 1Co 16:1; not, however, the mother church at Jerusalem (Hofmann). A reference to prosecuting the collection (in connection with which people had, it is supposed, been refractory towards Stephanas) lies wholly remote from the word.
καὶ ὑμεῖς] You too. The καί finds its reference, according to the context, in what goes before: ΕἸς ΔΙΑΚ. Τ. ἉΓ. ἜΤΑΞ. ἙΑΥΤ. Wetstein is right, therefore, in saying: “illi vobis ministrant; aequum est, ut vos illis vicissim honorem exhibeatis” (rather: obsequamini).
ὑποτάσσ.] namely, to their proposals, exhortations, etc. Ewald and Ritschl regard Stephanas as one of the overseers of the church; a relation which, however, would have required a more precise and definite designation than the general and qualitative τοῖς τοιούτοις. See, besides, on 1Co 1:17.
ΤΟῖς ΤΟΙΟΎΤΟΙς] to those who are so affected, indicates, in a generalizing way, the category to which Stephanas and his house belong. This generalization, by which the injunction of obedience towards the concrete persons comes out in a less strict and immediate form, but in which it is still implied, is a delicacy of expressio.
τῷ συνεργ.] The reference of the ΣΥΝ is given by the context from ΤΟῖς ΤΟΙΟΎΤΟΙς; hence: who works with them, i.e. in fellowship with them, which presupposes harmony in the spirit and purport of the work. Comp. Chrysostom. While Rückert leaves us our choice between three supplements contrary to the context: τῷ θεῷ (1Co 4:9), ἘΜΟΊ (so Erasmus), and ὙΜῖΝ (2Co 1:24), Hofmann adds a fourth arbitrary supplement: helpful to increase the kingdom of God. This design is of course taken for granted of itself, but does not explain the συν.
καὶ κοπιῶντι] and takes pains (therein), gives himself trouble about it. Comp. 1Co 15:10, 1Co 4:12; Gal 4:11; Rom 16:6.
[109] Which does not fall to be considered here, since there is no mention of entrance upon an ecclesiastical office.
1Co 16:17-18. Regarding Fortunatus (probably not different from the person named in Clem. 1 Cor. 59) and Achaicus no particulars are known. They are not to be included (as de Wette would have it) in the family of Stephanas, which has been spoken of already. Grotius holds them to be Chloe’s people; but see on 1Co 1:11.
ὅτι τὸ ὑμέτερον ὑστέρημα αὐτοὶ ἀνεπλ.] because they for their part have supplied your lack (your absence). Comp. on Php 2:30. Ὑμέτ. is thus taken objectively (comp. 1Co 15:31): the lack of your presence; and ὑμέτ. and αὐτοί (see the critical remarks) have the emphasis. Observe how courteously the expression: the want of you (of your presence), is chosen. Hofmann, on the contrary, misses this delicate touch by taking it as: what was lacking in you, in this respect, namely, that you could not appear with me in person. With still less delicacy Grotius, who adduces in his support 2Co 9:12 : “quod vos omnes facere oportuit, id illi fecerunt; certiorem me fecere de vestris morbis.” He is followed by Rückert, who founds wrongly upon Php 2:30 : “what should have been done by you, that have they done,” inasmuch, namely, as they had given him joy, which had not been done by the Corinthians. But we must not decide here by passages from other Epistles, since linguistically both renderings alike may be correct, but simply by the connection, according to which the men as ambassadors from the Corinthians were the compensation to the apostle for the lack of the presence of the latter. Comp. Chrysosto.
ἀνέπαυσαν γὰρ κ.τ.λ.] reason assigned for the preceding τὸ ὑστέρημα αὐτ. ἀνεπλ.[110] Regarding the phrase, comp. 2Co 7:13; Phm 1:7; Phm 1:20.
ΚΑῚ ΤῸ ὙΜῶΝ] for they have refreshed (by their arrival here, and the communications and assurances connected therewith, comp. 2Co 7:13) my spirit and yours. The latter, inasmuch as they had come not in their own name, but as representatives of the whole church; their meeting therefore with Paul could not but be refreshing to the consciousness of the whole church. As they by their presence provided for Paul the joy of ἀνάπαυσις, so they provided it also for the church, which through them had entered into this fellowship with the apostle, and thus owed to them the refreshment which it could not but experience in the consciousness of this living intercourse of love with Paul brought about through these men. Comp. Chrysostom: οὐ Παύλῳ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐκείνοις αὐτοὺς χαρισαμένους δείκνυσι τῷ τὴν πόλιν ἅπασαν ἐν αὐτοῖς περιφέρειν. Paul thus expresses not simply reciprocity in general,-that which is presupposed where there is good-will (de Wette),-but the relation implied in the representation of the church by their delegates,-a relation, therefore, which for the latter, in virtue of their acceptance of the embassage, was one of merit. There lies here, also, in the addition of this second pronoun, a tender delicacy (comp. on 1Co 1:2), which the readers acquainted with the manner of the apostle could well appreciate. Grotius makes the reference to be to the assurances of Paul’s love which those men had brought with them to the Corinthians. But τὸ ὑμῶν also, like ΤῸ ἘΜῸΝ ΠΝΕῦΜΑ, must refer to the time of the presence of the delegates with Pau.
ἘΠΙΓΙΝΏΣΚΕΤΕ] Attention to the compound verb: recognise them rightly (comp. on 1Co 13:12), should of itself have sufficed to prevent alterations of the sense of the word (such as: prize them highly, so Theophylact, Grotius, Flatt, Neander, and others). The high esteem is the consequence of the ἐπιγιν.
τοὺς τοιούτους] as in 1Co 16:16.
[110] Had Paul and his readers met together in person, this would have been refreshing for both parties (comp. Rom 1:12); and this refreshment of both parties had now taken place through those delegates.
1Co 16:19 f. Τῆς Ἀσίας] in the narrower sense, comprehending the western coastlands of Asia Minor (see on Act 2:9), where Ephesus also lay. From the latter, at least, Paul was charged with a greeting, but in the assurance of a like loving fellowship on the part also of the other Asiatic churches, with which he was in intercourse from Ephesus, he widens i.
ἐν κυρίῳ] marks the Christian character of the greeting, inasmuch as it was given with the feeling of living and moving in Christ. Comp. on Rom 16:22. The ἐν κυρ., which is here added, is taken for granted by the reader in the case of the other greetings also. But here precisely it is expressed, because this greeting is a specially fervent one; hence also πολλά (much, comp. 1Co 16:12).
σὺν τῇ κατʼ οἶκον αὐτ. ἐκκλ.] Aquila and Prisca (Priscilla), who had gone from Corinth (see on Act 18:2) to Ephesus (Act 18:18; Act 18:26), had therefore given their dwelling here too, as afterwards at Rome (Rom 16:3 f.), for the assembly of a portion of the Christians in the place. Comp. on Rom. l.c. Probably Paul also lodged with them, so that the old addition: παρʼ οἷς καὶ ξενίζομαι (D E F G, Vulg., etc.), contains a true statemen.
οἱ ἀδελφοὶ πάντες] the whole of the members of the Ephesian church-these, still, separately and personally, although already included collectively in the first greetin.
ἐν φιλ. ἁγ.] by means of a holy kiss. See on Rom 16:16; 2Co 13:12; 1Th 5:26. It is the kiss which was the token of Christian, brotherly love (1Pe 5:14), and thus had the specific character of Christian consecration. Comp. Constit. apost. ii. 57. 12, viii. 5. 5 : τὸ ἐν κυρίῳ φίλημα. More special considerations, such as that of the absence of hypocrisy (Chrysostom, Theodoret, Theophylact), are imported. They are to greet each other, mutually (not from Paul), with the holy kiss after the reading of the Epistle in the assembly, and thereby manifest their brotherly love to each other respectively.[111] Comp. on Rom 16:16.
[111] We are to conceive of this ἀσπάζεσθαι ἀλληλούς as a silent one, in which the kiss is the medium instead of words. Comp. Const. ap. viii. 11. 4.
1Co 16:21-24. Conclusion added with his own hand in token, according to 2Th 3:17, comp. 1Co 2:2, that the Epistle, though not written with his own hand, was his Epistle. Comp. Col 4:18.
ὁ ἀσπασμός] is the greeting κατʼ ἐξοχήν, the final salutation to the church. Nothing is to be supplied; on the contrary, Paul writes these words, and there is the greetin.
Παύλου] in apposition to ἐμῇ. See Kühner, II. p. 145.
In 1Co 16:22, looking back once more, as it were involuntarily, upon the many degenerate forms of Christian life, and the discords at Corinth, he adds an apostolic utterance of judgment, full of terrible solemnity, against all those who could not but feel that it struck at the.
οὐ φιλεῖ τ. κύρ.] is without love to Christ. So he designates those Christians, who, like so many at Corinth, by factiousness, self-seeking, strife, a carnal life, etc., practically denied their love to Christ (Joh 14:23). That the curse applied to them, as long as they were impenitent, is self-evident. Comp. 2Co 7:10.
Observe that the more sensuous word φιλεῖν is nowhere used by Paul in those Epistles which are undoubtedly his (comp., however, Tit 3:15), except in this passage so full of emotion; elsewhere he uses ἀγαπᾶν (Eph 6:24).
ἤτω ἀνάθ.] i.e. then let him be one devoted to destruction (to the eternal ἀπώλεια). See on Rom 9:3; Gal 1:8.
μαραναθά] energetic reference to the Parousia, at which that ἤτω ἀνάθ. shall be realized. The word is the Aramaic מָרָנָא אֲתָא , i.e. our Lord is come, by which, however, not the coming in the flesh is meant, as Chrysostom, Theodoret, Theophylact, Jerome, Erasmus, Castalio, al., assume,[112] but, in accordance with the context (see previously ἤτω ἀνάθ.), the eschatological coming to judgment. Paul sees the near and certain Parousia as if already begun (see on this use of the Hebrew praeterite, Ewald, Lehrb. 135. 3), and exclaims, like a prophet beholding it in vision: Our Lord is here! But it is not a form of putting under ban (see Lightfoot, Hor. p. 260), as indeed it does not occur in the Rabbinical writings; Luther (comp. Calvin) has without any warrant made it into Maharam Motha (which would be מחרם מותא , maledictus ad mortem). According to Hofmann, μαραναθά is meant to be equivalent to מַר אַנְתָה , Thou art the Lord, whereby the thought is expressed: “He will prove Himself in them to be Lord.” But how needless is this wholly novel and far less characteristic interpretation! The traditional interpretation,[113] on the other hand, places the punishment of the judgment directly before our eyes. Why, we may ask further, did Paul use the Aramaean expression? We do not know. Perhaps there was implied in it some reminiscence from the time of the apostle’s presence among them, unknown to us, but carrying weight for his readers; perhaps it was only the prompting of momentary indignation, that, after the sentence of judgment already pronounced (ἤτω ἀνάθεμα), “rei gravitate commotus, quasi sibi non satisfecisset” (Calvin), he desired to clothe in truly solemn language the threatening reference to the Parousia yet to be added by μαραναθά, instead of saying ὁ κύριος ἡμῶν ἥκει. That there was a reference, however, in the Aramaean expression to the Petrine party who understood Hebrew, is not to be assumed (in opposition to Hofmann), as the general εἴ τις οὐ φιλεῖ τ. κύριον shows of itself. The two Aramaean words were doubtless enough intelligible generally in the mixed church, which contained so much of the Jewish element. Had the Maranatha, however, been as it were the mysterious watchword in the world of that time (Ewald), there would be in all probability more traces of it to be found in the New Testament. This also in opposition to Bengel. The view of Chrysostom and Theophylact is singularly absurd: Paul wished by the Aramaean to cross the conceit of the Corinthians in the Hellenic language and wisdom. Billroth, followed by Rückert, holds that he had added something in Aramaic also, in order to accredit yet more strongly the authenticity of the Epistle, but that this had afterwards been written by the transcribers in Greek letters. But the assumption that he had not written μαραναθά in Greek letters, although it has passed over so into all Greek MSS. of the text, is equally arbitrary with the presupposition that he had thought such an extraordinary and peculiar mode of attestation to be needful precisely in the case of this Epistle, which was already sufficiently accredited without it by the bearers.-1Co 16:23. The grace of the Lord, etc., sc. εἴη, the apostle’s most common closing wish in an epistle, Rom 16:20; Rom 16:24; Gal 6:18; Php 4:23; 1Th 5:28; 2Th 3:18; Phm 1:25.-1Co 16:24. My love, etc., sc. ἐστι: his heart impels him still to add this assurance at the very end, all the more because the divisions, immoralities, and disorders in the church had forced from him such severe rebukes and, even now, such corrective appeals. He loves them, and loves them all. If taken as optative (Luther, Estius, Ewald), it would be less suitably an indirect admonition, namely, that they might so conduct themselves that, et.
ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ] Christ is his whole life-sphere; in it he loves also. His love has thus the distinctively Christian character, in contrast to all κοσμικὴ ἀγάπη (Theophy)
[112] Paul, they hold, means thereby to say: “Quod superfluum sit adversus eum (Christum) odiis pertinacibus contendere, quem venisse jam constet,” Jerome, Ep. 137 ad Marcell.; or: he means thereby to put them to shame, because they still continued in their sins after the Lord had shown such condescension, Chrysostom; or, “quandoquidem aversatur eum, a quo solo poterat consequi salutem, et venisse negat quem constat venisse magno bono credentium, sed magno malo incredulorum,” Erasmus, Paraphr.; or, “quod si quis eum non amat, frustra alium expectat,” Castalio.
[113] Even those codd. which have written the word in a divided way, have the division not μαρ αναθα, but μαραν αθα. So already B**. And the versions, too (those which do not with the Vulgate retain it untranslated), translate according to this division; so already the Peshito: Dominus noster venit. Cod. It. g.: in adventu Domini.
1. But concerning the collection Luke relates (Act 11:28) that the prediction of Agabus, foretelling that there would be a famine under Claudius Caesar, gave occasion for alms being collected by the saints, with the view of affording help to the brethren in Jerusalem. For though the Prophet had foretold, that this calamity would be generally prevalent almost throughout the world, yet as they were more heavily oppressed with penury at Jerusalem, and as all the Gentile Churches were bound, if they would not be held guilty of very great ingratitude, to afford aid to that place from which they had received the gospel, every one, consequently, forgetful of self, resolved to afford relief to Jerusalem. That the pressure of want was felt heavily at Jerusalem, appears from the Epistle to the Galatians, (Gal 2:10,) where Paul relates, that he had been charged by the Apostles to stir up the Gentiles to afford help. (149) Now the Apostles would never have given such a charge, had they not been constrained by necessity. Farther, this passage is an evidence of the truth of what Paul states there also — that he had been careful to exhort the Gentiles to afford help in such a case of necessity. Now, however, he prescribes the method of relief; and that the Corinthians may accede to it the more readily, he mentions that he had already prescribed it to the Churches of Galatia; for they would necessarily be the more influenced by example, as we are wont to feel a natural backwardness to anything that is not ordinarily practiced. Now follows the method — by which he designed to cut off all hinderances and impediments.
(149) “D’inciter les Gentiles a subuenir a la pourete qui y estoit;” — “To stir up the Gentiles to relieve the poverty that existed there.”
2. On one of the Sabbaths. The end is this — that they may have their alms ready in time. He therefore exhorts them not to wait till he came, as anything that is done suddenly, and in a bustle, is not done well, but to contribute on the Sabbath what might seem good, and according as every one’s ability might enable — that is, on the day on which they held their sacred assemblies. The clause rendered on one of the Sabbaths, ( κατὰ μίαν σαββάτων ,) Chrysostom explains to mean — the first Sabbath. In this I do not agree with him; for Paul means rather that they should contribute, one on one Sabbath and another on another; or even each of them every Sabbath, if they chose. For he has an eye, first of all, to convenience, and farther, that the sacred assembly, in which the communion of saints is celebrated, might be an additional spur to them. Nor am I more inclined to admit the view taken by Chrysostom — that the term Sabbath is employed here to mean the Lord’s day, (Rev 1:10,) for the probability is, that the Apostles, at the beginning, retained the day that was already in use, but that afterwards, constrained by the superstition of the Jews, they set aside that day, and substituted another. Now the Lord’s day was made choice of, chiefly because our Lord’s resurrection put an end to the shadows of the law. Hence the day itself puts us in mind of our Christian liberty. We may, however, very readily infer from this passage, that believers have always had a certain day of rest from labor — not as if the worship of God consisted in idleness, but because it is of importance for the common harmony, that a certain day should be appointed for holding sacred assemblies, as they cannot be held every day. For as to Paul’s forbidding elsewhere (Gal 4:10) that any distinction should be made between one day and another, that must be understood to be with a view to religion, (150) and not with a view to polity or external order. (151)
Treasuring up I have preferred to retain the Greek participle, as it appeared to me to be more emphatic. (152) For although θησανρίζειν means to lay up, yet in my opinion, he designed to admonish the Corinthians, that whatever they might contribute for the saints would be their best and safest treasure. For if a heathen poet could say — “What riches you give away, those alone you shall always have, (153) how much more ought that consideration to have influence among us, who are not dependent on the gratitude of men, but have God to look to, who makes himself a debtor in the room of the poor man, to restore to us one day, with large interest, whatever we give away? (Pro 19:17.) Hence this statement of Paul corresponds with that saying of Christ —
Lay up for yourselves treasure in heaven, where it will not be exposed either to thieves, or to moths. (Mat 6:20.)
According as he has prospered. Instead of this the old translation has rendered it, What may seem good to him, misled, no doubt, by the resemblance between the word made use of, and another. (154) Erasmus renders it, What will be convenient. (155) Neither the one nor the other pleased me, for this reason — that the proper signification of the word brings out a meaning that is much more suitable; for it means — to go on prosperously. Hence he calls every one to consider his ability — “Let every one, according as God hath blessed him, lay out upon the poor from his increase.”
(150) See Calvin’s Institutes, volume 1.
(151) “Quand on le fait pour deuotion, comme cela estant vn seruice de Dieu, et non pas pour la police externe;” — “When it is done for the sake of devotion, as though it were a service done to God, and not with a view to external polity’.”
(152) “On a par ci deuant traduit, amassant; mais i’ay mieux aired retenir la propriete du mot Grec;” — “The word before us has been rendered laying up; but I have preferred to retain the peculiar force of the Greek word.”
(153) “Quas dederis, solas semper habebis opes.” (Martial. Epage 5:42.) A similar sentiment occurs in the writings of the poet Rabirius. “ Hoc habeo, luodeunque dedi;” — “ I have whatever I have given away.” (See Seneca, ib. 6, de Beneft) Alexander the Great, (as stated by Plutarch,) when asked where he had laid up his treasures, answered, “ Apud amicos;” — “Among my friends.” — Ed.
(154) “ S’abusant a l’affinite des deux mots Grecs;” — “ Misled by the resemblance between two Greek words.” Calvin’s meaning seems to be that the verb εὐοδόομαι, (to be prospered,) made use of here by Paul, had been confounded with εὐδοκέω (to seem good.) Wiclif (1380) in accordance with the Vulgate, renders as follows — Kepynge that that plesith to hym. — Ed.
(155) “C’est a dire, selon sa commodite;” — “That is to say, according to his convenience.”
3. And when I come As we are cheerful in giving, when we know for certain, that what we give is well laid out, he points out to the Corinthians a method, by which they may be assured of a good and faithful administration — by selecting approved persons, to whom they may intrust the matter. Nay more, he offers his own services, if desired, which is an evidence that he has the matter at heart.
5. When I shall pass through Macedonia The common opinion is, that this espistle was sent from Philippi. Persons coming thence to Corinth by land, required to pass through Macedonia; for that colony is situated in the farthest extremity, towards the Emathian mountains. Paul, it is true, might, instead of going by land, have gone thither by sea, but he was desirous to visit the Macedonian Churches, that he might confirm them in passing. So much for the common opinion. To me, however, it appears more probable, that the epistle was written at Ephesus; for he says a little afterwards, that he will remain there until Pentecost, (1. o 16:8) (156); and he salutes the Corinthians, not in the name of the Philippians, but of the Asiatics. (1. o 16:19.) (157) Besides, in the second epistle he explicitly states, that, after he had sent away this epistle, he passed over into Macedonia. (2. o 2:13.) Now after passing through Macedonia, he would be at a distance from Ephesus, and in the neighborhood of Achaia. Hence I have no doubt that he was at Ephesus at that time: thence he could sail by a straight course to Achaia. For visiting Macedonia, a long circuit was needed, and a more disagreeable route. Accordingly he lets them know that he will not come to them by a direct course, as he required to go through Macedonia
To the Corinthians, however, he promises something farther — that he would make a longer stay with them By this he shows his affection towards them. For what reason had he for delay, except that he was concerned as to their welfare? On the other hand, he lets them know how fully assured he is of their affection towards him in return, by taking it, as it were, for granted that he would be conducted forward by them in the way of kindness; for he says this from confidence in their friendship. (158)
After saying everything, however, he subjoins this limitation —if the Lord permit With this reservation, saints ought to follow up all their plans and deliberations; for it is an instance of great rashness to undertake and determine many things for the future, while we have not even a moment in our power. The main thing indeed is, that, in the inward affection of the mind, we submit to God and his providence, whatever we resolve upon; (159) but at the same time, it is becoming that we should accustom ourselves to such forms of expression, that whenever we have to do with what is future we may make everything depend on the divine will. (160)
(156) “St. Paul was now at Ephesus; for almost all allow, in opposition to the subscription at the end of this epistle, that states it to have been written from Philippi, that it was written from Ephesus; and this is supported by many strong arguments; and the 8. h verse here seems to put it past all question: I will tarry at Ephesus; i.e., I am in Ephesus, and here I purpose to remain until Pentecost.” — Dr. Adam Clarke.nEd.
(157) “The Churches of Asia salute you, i.e., the Churches in Asia Minor. Ephesus was in this Asia, and it is clear from this that the Apostle was not at Philippi. Had he been at Philippi, as the subscription states, he would have said, The Churches of Macedonia, not the Churches of Asia, salute you.” — Dr. Adam Clarke. — Ed.
(158) “Ils le conduiront par tout ou il ira;” — “They will conduct him forward wherever he may go.”
(159) “Tout ce que nous entreprenons et consultons;” — “Everything that we undertake and resolve upon.”
(160) “De remettre a la volonte de Dieu tout ce que nous entreprendrons pour le temps aduenir;” — “So as to give up to the will of God everything that we shall undertake for the time to come.
8. I will remain. From this statement I have argued above, that this epistle was sent from Ephesus, rather than from Philippi. For the probability is, that the Apostle speaks of the place in which he was at the time, and not of a place, in going to which he would require to make a long circuit; and farther, in passing through Macedonia, (163) it would have been necessary to leave Corinth when already in the neighborhood of it, and cross the sea in order to reach Ephesus. He accordingly tells them beforehand that he will remain at Ephesus until Pentecost, adding the reason — in order that they may wait for him the more patiently. Erasmus has preferred to render it — until the fiftieth day, influenced by frivolous conjectures rather than by any solid argument. He objects, that there was as yet no day of Pentecost appointed among Christians, as it is now celebrated; and this I grant. He says, that it ought not to be understood as referring to the Jewish solemnity, because in various instances he annuls and condemns the superstitious observance of days. (Gal 4:10; Rom 14:5; Col 2:16.) I do not concede to him, however, that Paul celebrated that day at Ephesus from being influenced by a superstitious regard to the day, but because there would be a larger assembly at that time, and he hoped that, in that way, an opportunity would be presented to him of propagating the gospel. Thus, when he was hastening forward to Jerusalem, he assigned as the reason of his haste, that he might arrive there at Pentecost, (Act 20:16;) but while others presented themselves there for the purpose of sacrificing according to the ritual of the law, he himself had another object in view — that his ministry might be the more useful in proportion to the largeness of the attendance. It were, however, an excessively poor meaning to understand Paul here as simply specifying fifty days. Besides, when he expressly says τὴν πεντηκοστήν (the Pentecost,) he cannot but be understood as speaking of a particular day. As to this festival, see Lev 23:16
(163) “En passant de Philippes par Macedone;” — “In passing from Philippi through Macedonia.”
9. For a great and effectual door is opened to me. He assigns two reasons for remaining for a longer time at Ephesus — 1. t, Because an opportunity is afforded him there of furthering the gospel; and 2. ly, Because, in consequence of the great number of adversaries that were there, his presence was particularly required. “I shall do much good by prolonging my stay here for a little while, and were I absent, Satan would do much injury.” In the first clause, he makes use of a metaphor that is quite in common use, when he employs the term door as meaning an opportunity. For the Lord opened up a way for him for the furtherance of the gospel. He calls this a great door, because he could gain many. He calls it effectual, inasmuch as the Lord blessed his labor, and rendered his doctrine effectual by the power of His Spirit. We see, then, how this holy man (164) sought everywhere Christ’s glory, and did not select a place with a view to his own convenience or his own pleasure; but simply looked to this — where he might do most good, and serve his Lord with most abundant fruit; and in addition to this, he did not merely not shrink back from hardships, but presented himself, of his own accord, where he saw that he would have to contend more keenly, and with greater difficulty. For the reason why he remained (165) was, that many adversaries were at hand; and the better equipped he was for enduring their assault, he required to be so much the better prepared, and the more resolute.
(164) “Ce sainct Apostre;” — “This holy Apostle.”
(165) “En Ephese;” — “In Ephesus.”
10. But if Timothy come. He speaks as if he were not as yet certain as to his coming. Now he charges them as to Timothy, so that he may be with them in safety — not as though he were in danger of his life among them, but because he would have enemies of Christ (166) to oppose him. He wishes, therefore, that they should carefully take heed that no injury be done to him.
He adds the reason — for he worketh the work of the Lord Hence we infer, that the Church of Christ ought to be concerned for the preservation of the lives of ministers. And assuredly, it is reasonable, that, in proportion as an individual is endowed with superior gifts for the edification of believers, and applies himself to it the more strenuously, his life ought to be so much dearer to us.
The clause — as I also do, is made use of, either to express his excellence, or simply to point out the similarity as to office, inasmuch as both labored in the word.
(166) “Beaucoup d’ennemis de Christ;” — “Many enemies of Christ.”
11. Let no man, therefore, despise him Here we have a second charge, that they may not despise him — perhaps because he was as yet of a youthful age, which usually draws forth less respect. He wishes them, therefore, to take care, that there be no hinderance in the way of this faithful minister of Christ being held in due esteem — unless, perhaps, it be that Paul reckoned this very thing to be an evidence of contempt, if they were not concerned, as it became them to be, in reference to his life. This injunction, however, appears to include something farther, that they should not undervalue Timothy, from ignorance of his worth.
In the third place, he charges them to conduct him forward in peace, or, in other words, safe from all harm, for peace here means safety.
12. As to our brother Apollos. He had succeeded Paul in the work of building up the Corinthians; and hence he has in previous passages ascribed to him the office of watering. (1. o 3:6, and Act 19:1.) He now states a reason why he does not come with the others, and he states the reason of this, in order that the Corinthians may not suspect that he had been hindered by him. For the better he was known by them, they were so much the more favourably disposed towards him, and they would be the more ready to conjecture, that matters had been designedly contrived, that he should not go to them, in consequence of offense having been taken. (167) They might, at least, be prepared to inquire among themselves: “Why has he sent these persons to us rather than Apollos?” He answers, that it was not owing to him, inasmuch as he entreated him; but he promises that he will come as soon as he has opportunity.
(167) “Que sainct Paul se sentant offense par les Corinthiens, auoit attitre cela tout expres, qu’ Apollos n’allast point vers eux;” — “That St. Paul feeling offended with the Corinthians, had intentionally brought it about, that Apollos should not go to them.”
13. Watch ye. A short exhortation, but of great weight. He exhorts them to watch, in order that Satan may not oppress them, finding them off their guard. For as the warfare is incessant, the watching requires to be incessant too. Now watchfulness of spirit is this — when, free and disentangled from earthly cares, we meditate on the things of God. For as the body is weighed down by surfeiting and drunkenness, (Luk 21:34,) so as to be fit for nothing, so the cares and lusts of the world, idleness or carelessness, are like a spiritual surfeiting that overpowers the mind. (169)
The second thing is that they persevere in the faith, or that they hold fast the faith, so as to stand firm; because that is the foundation on which we rest. It is certain, however, that he points out the means of perseverance — by resting upon God with a firm faith.
In the third exhortation, which is much of the same nature, he stirs them up to manly fortitude. And, as we are naturally weak, he exhorts them fourthly to strengthen themselves, or gather strength. For where we render it be strong, Paul makes use of only one word, which is equivalent to strengthen yourselves.
(169) “Sont comme vne yurongnerie spirituelle, qui assopit et estourdit l’entendement;” — “Are like a spiritual drunkenness, which makes the mind drowsy and stupid.”
14. Let all your things be done in love Again he repeats what is the rule in all those transactions, in which we have dealings with one another. He wishes, then, that love shall be the directress; because the Corinthians erred chiefly in this respect — that every one looked to himself without caring for others.
15. Ye know the house of Stephanas We know, from daily experience, of what advantage it is, that those should have the highest authority, whom God has adorned with the most distinguished gifts. Accordingly, if we wish to secure the welfare of the Church, let us always take care that honor be conferred upon the good: let their counsels have the greatest weight; let others give way to them, and allow themselves to be governed by their prudence. This Paul does in this instance, when admonishing the Corinthians to show respect to the house of Stephanas. Some manuscripts add, and Fortunatus. (170) For God manifests himself to us when he shows us the gifts of his Spirit. Hence, if we would not appear to be despisers of God, let us voluntarily submit ourselves to those, on whom God has conferred superior gifts.
Now, that they may be the more inclined to put honor upon that house, (for as to the other, it appears to me to be, in this place at least, a spurious addition,) he reminds them that they were the first-fruits of Achaia, that is, that the household of Stephanas were the first that had embraced the gospel. Not indeed as though the first in order of time were in every case superior to the others, but where there is perseverance along with this, it is with good reason, that honor is conferred upon those, who have in a manner paved the way for the gospel by promptitude of faith. It must be observed, however, that he dignifies with this honorable title those, who had consecrated to believers their services and resources. For the same reason, he bestows commendation a little afterwards upon Fortunatus and Achaicus, that, in proportion to a man’s superiority of excellence, (171) he might be held so much the more in esteem, that he might be able to do the more good. Farther, in order that the Corinthians may be the more disposed to love them, he says, that what had been wanting on the part of their entire Church had been compensated for by their vicarious services.
(170) The Alex. and Copt. MSS. read — and Fortunatus. The Vulgate reads — Fortunatum et Achaicum ; in accordance with which the rendering in Wiclif (1380) is, Ye knowen the hous of stephart and of fortunati, and acacie. The Rheims version (1582) reads — You know the house of Ste-phanas and of Fortunatus. — Ed.
(171) “Selon que chacun estoit plus homme de bien et vertueux;” — “In proportion as an individual was an honorable and virtuous man.”
19. With the Church that is in their house A magnificent eulogium, inasmuch as the name of the Church is applied to a single family! At the same time it is befitting, that all the families of the pious should be regulated in such a manner as to be so many little Churches. As to the term Congregation, which Erasmus has used in preference, it is foreign to Paul’s design; for it was not his intention to designate a crowd of persons by a mere common term, but to speak in honorable terms of the management of a Christian household. His saluting them in the name of Aquila and Priscilla, confirms what I have noticed above — that the Epistle was written at Ephesus, not at Philippi. For Luke informs us, that they remained at Ephesus, when Paul went elsewhere. (Act 18:19.)
20. Salute one another with a holy kiss. The practice of kissing was very common among the Jews, as is manifest from the Scriptures. In Greece, though it was not so common and customary, it was by no means unknown; but the probability is, that Paul speaks here of a solemn kiss, with which they saluted each other in the sacred assembly. For I could easily believe, that from the times of the Apostles a kiss was used in connection with the administration of the Supper; (172) in place of which, among nations that were somewhat averse to the practice of kissing, there crept in the custom of kissing the patine. (173) However this may be, as it was a token of mutual love. I have no doubt, that Paul meant to exhort them to the cultivation of good-will among themselves — not merely in their minds (174) and in needful services, but also by that token, provided only it was holy, that is, neither unchaste nor deceitful, (175) — though, at the same time, holy may be taken to mean sacred.
(172) “That the Apostle,” says Dr. Brown in his Commentary on 1. t Peter, “meant the members of the Churches, on receiving this Epistle, to salute one another is certain; that he meant, that at all their religious meetings they should do so, is not improbable. That he meant to make this an everlasting ordinance in all Christian Churches, though it has sometimes been asserted, has never been proved, and is by no means likely. That the practice prevailed extensively, perhaps universally, in the earlier ages, is established on satisfactory evidence. ‘After the prayers,’ says Justin Martyr, who lived in the earlier part of the second century, giving an account in his Apology of the religious customs of the Christians — ’after the prayers, we embrace each other with a kiss.’ Tertullian speaks of it as an ordinary part of the religious services of the Lord’s day; and in the Apostolical Constitutions, as they are termed, the manner in which it was performed is particularly described. ‘Then let the men apart, and the women apart, salute each other with a kiss in the Lord.’ Origen’s Note on Rom 16:16, is: ‘From this passage the custom was delivered to the Churches, that, after prayer, the brethren should salute one another with a kiss.’ This token of love was generally given at the Holy Supper. It was likely, from the prevalence of this custom, that the calumny of Christians indulging in licentiousness at their religious meetings originated; and it is not improbable that, in order to remove everything like an occasion to calumniators, the practice which, though in itself innocent, had become not for the use of edifying, was discontinued.” — Brown’s Expository Discourses on 1. t Peter, volume in. pages 309, 310. “It is remarkable that, by the testimony of Suetonius, an edict was published by one of the Roman Emperors, for the abolition of this practice among his subjects, — perhaps in order to check abuses, for the prevention of which our Apostle enjoins that it shall be a holy salutation.” — Chalmers on the Romans, volume in. page 428. — Ed.
(173) By the patine or paten , is meant the plate or salver on which the wafer or bread was placed in the observance of the mass. The term is made use of by Dr. Stillingfleet in his “Preservative from Popery,” (title 7, chapter 5,) in speaking of the practice of the Church of Rome in the adoration of the host: “The priest in every mass, as soon as he has consecrated the bread and wine, with bended knees, he adores the sacrament; that which he has consecrated, that very thing which is before him, upon the patine , and in the chalice; and gives the same worship and subjection, both of body and mind, to it as he could to God or Christ himself.” In Young’s Lectures on Popery, (Loud. 1836,) page 140, the following account is given of the sacrifice of the mass: “Upon the altar is the chalice, or cup, which is to contain the wine, mixed with a little water; and covering the cup is the paten , or plate, intended to hold the cake or wafer. After an almost endless variety of movements, and forms, and prayers, and readings, the priest goes to the altar, and, taking the cup containing wine and water, with the wafer upon the cover, — these having been before consecrated and transubstantiated into the body and blood of Christ, — he raises his eyes and says, ‘Take, O Holy Trinity, this oblation, which I, unworthy sinner, offer in honor of thee, of the blessed Virgin Mary, and of all the saints, for the salvation of the living, and for the rest and quiet of all the faithful that are dead.’ Then, setting down the chalice, he says, ‘Let this sacrifice be acceptable to Almighty God.’” The name paten is preserved in the English Liturgy to this day. In the prayer of consecration, in the communion service — in connection with the words, “who, in the same night that he was betrayed, took bread,” it is said, “here the priest is to take the paten into his hands.” Calvin, when commenting upon Rom 16:16, after having stated that it was customary among the primitive Christians, before partaking of the Lord’s Supper, to kiss each other in token of sacred friendship, and afterwards to give alms, says, “ Hinc fluxit ritus ille, qui hodie est apud Papistas, osculandoe patents, et conferendse oblationis. Quorum alterum merae est superstitionis, sine ullo fructu: alterum non alto facit, nisi ad explendam sacerdotum avari-tiam, si tamen expleri posset;” — “ From this has sprung that ceremony which is at this day among Papists, of kissing the patine, and making an offering. The former is mere superstition without any advantage: the latter serves no purpose, except to satisfy the greed of the priests, if satis fied it can be.” Poole, in his Annotations on Rom 16:16, says, “The primitive Christians did use it” (the holy kiss) “in their assemblies; so Tertullian testifieth, (Lib. Dec.,) and they did it especially in receiving the Eucharist. So Chrysostom witnesseth, (Hom. 77. in Joh 16:0,) ‘we do well,’ saith he, ‘to kiss in the mysteries, that we may become one.’ This custom for good reasons is laid down, and the Romanists in room of it, keep up a foolish and superstitious ceremony, which is to kiss the pax in the mass.” — Ed.
(175) “Ou consistast en mine seulement;” — “Or consisted in mere appearance.”
22. If any man love not the Lord Jesus The close of the Epistle consists of three parts. He entreats the grace of Christ in behalf of the Corinthians: he makes a declaration of his love towards them, and, with the severest threatening, he inveighs against those that falsely took upon themselves the Lord’s name, while not loving him from the heart. For he is not speaking of strangers, who avowedly hated the Christian name, but of pretenders and hypocrites, who troubled the Churches for the sake of their own belly, or from empty boasting. (176) On such persons he denounces an anathema, and he also pronounces a curse upon them. It is not certain, however, whether he desires their destruction in the presence of God, or whether he wishes to render them odious — nay, even execrable, in the view of believers. Thus in Gal 1:8, when pronouncing one who corrupts the Gospel to be accursed, (177) he does not mean that he was rejected or condemned by God, but he declares that he is to be abhorred by us. I expound it in a simple way as follows: “Let them perish and be cut off, as being the pests of the Church.” And truly, there is nothing that is more pernicious, than that class of persons, who prostitute a profession of piety to their own depraved affections. Now he points out the origin of this evil, when he says, that they do not love Christ, for a sincere and earnest love to Christ will not suffer us to give occasion of offense to brethren. (178)
What he immediately adds — Maranatha, is somewhat more difficult. Almost all of the ancients are agreed, that they are Syriac terms. (179) Jerome, however, explains it: The Lord cometh; while others render it, At the coming of the Lord, or, Until the Lord comes. Every one, however, I think, must see how silly and puerile is the idea, that the Apostle spoke to Greeks in the Syriac tongue, when meaning to say — The Lord has come. Those who translate it, at the coming of the Lord, do so on mere conjecture; and besides, there is not much plausibility in that interpretation. How much more likely it is, that this was a customary form of expression among the Hebrews, when they wished to excommunicate any one. For the Apostles never speak in foreign tongues, except when they repeat anything in the person of another, as for example, Eli, Eli, lammah sabathani, (Mat 27:46,) Talitha cumi, (Mar 5:41,) and Ephphata, (Mar 7:34,) or when they make use of a word that has come into common use, as Amen — Hosanna. Let us see, then, whether Maranatha suits with excommunication. Now Bullinger, (180) on the authority of Theodore Bibliander, has affirmed, that, in the Chaldee dialect, Maharamata has the same meaning as the Hebrew term חרם, cherem, (accursed,) (181) and I was myself at one time assured of the same thing by Wolfgang Capito, (182) a man of blessed memory It is nothing unusual, however, for the Apostles to write such terms differently from the way in which they are pronounced in the language from which they are derived; as may be seen even from the instances brought forward above. Paul, then, after pronouncing an anathema on those who do not love Christ, (183) deeply affected with the seriousness of the matter, as if he reckoned that he had not said enough, added a term that was in common use among the Jews, and which they made use of in pronouncing a sentence of anathema — just as if, speaking in Latin, I should say, “I excommunicate thee,” but if I add — “and pronounce thee an anathema,” this would be an expression of more intense feeling. (184)
END OF THE COMMENTARIES ON THE FIRST EPISTLE.
(176) “Ne cherehans que le proufit de lents ventres, et leur propre gloire;” “Seeking only the profit of their bellies, and their own glory.”
(177) Calvin, when commenting on Gal 1:8, remarks that the original term there employed, anathema, denotes cursing, and answers to the Hebrew word חרם; and he explains the expression — “let him be accursed,” as meaning, “Let him be held by you as accursed.”
(178) “Car si nous aimons Christ purement, et a bon escient, ce nous sera vne bride qui nons retiendra de donner scandale a nos fieres;” — “ For if we love Christ sincerely and in good earnest, this will be a bridle to restrain us from giving offense to our brethren.”
(179) “ Que ce sont mots empruntez de la langue Syrienne;” — “That they are words borrowed from the Syriac language.”
(180) Beza, in his poems, has recorded the following tribute to the memory of this distinguished man —
“Henrici Bullingeri, Ecclesiastae Tigurini, spectatisa, doctrine, pictaris, et eximii candoris viri, memoriae;” — (To the memory of HENRY Bullinger, ecclesiastick of Tigurum, a man most distinguished for learning and piety, and extraordinary candour.)
“Doctrina si interire, si Pietas mori,
Occidere si Candor potest:
Doctrina, Pietas, Candor, hoc tumulo iacent,
Henrice, tecum condita.
Mori sed absit ilia posse dixerim;
Quae viuere jubent mortnos,
Immo interire forsan ilia si queant
Subireque tumuli specum,
Tu tu, illa doctis, tu piis, tu candidis,
Et non mori certissimis,
Edaci ab ipsa morte chartis asseras,
Ipso approbante Numine.
Foedus beatum! mortuum ilia to excitant,
Et tu mori ilia non sinis:
At hunc, amici, cur fleamus mortuum,
Qui viuat aliis et sibi ?”
“If Learning could expire, if Piety could die,
If Candour could sink down,
Learning, Piety, Candour, are laid in this mound,
O Henry, buried along with thee!
But forbid that I should say that those things could die,
Which command the dead to live.
Nay, if they could possibly expire,
And be entombed,
Thou, by thy writings learned, pious, candid,
And perfectly secured against death,
Wouldst shield them from devouring death,
The Deity himself approving.
Blessed agreement! They raise thee up from death,
And thou dost not suffer them to die!
But, my friends, why should we weep for him, as dead,
Who lives to others and himself?”
Beza’s “Poemata Varia,” —Ed.
(181) Thus in 1. g 20:42, we have the expression, איש-חרמי, (ish cheremi,) the man of my curse, or the man whom I anathematize. See also Isa 34:5; Zec 14:11. — Ed.
(182) Calvin, when commenting on Phi 3:5, having occasion to speak of the etymology of the term Pharisees, says that he considered it to be derived — not as was commonly supposed, from a word signifying to separate — -but from a term denoting interpretation, this having been the view given of it by Capito — “ sanctae memoriae viro,” — “a man of sacred memory.” It is stated by Beza in his life of Calvin, that when at Basle, Calvin lived on intimate terms with those two distinguished men, Simon Grynaeus and Wolfgang Capito, and devoted himself to the study of Hebrew. — Calvin’s Tracts, volume 1. — Ed.
(183) “ Ayant excommunie, et declare execrables ceux-la qui n’aiment point Iesus Christ;” — “Having excommunicated, and pronounced execrable those who do not love Jesus Christ.”
(184) “Μαρὰν ἀθὰ (Maran atha) is a Syro-Chaldee expression, signifying ‘the Lord is to come,’ i.e., will come, to take vengeance on the disobedient and vicious. Hence with the words Anathema Maranatha the Jews began their papers of excommunication.” — Bloomfield.
