1Co 16:1-4. § 57. CONCERNING THE COLLECTION. During his Third Missionary Journey P. was collecting money for the relief of the Christian poor in Jerusalem. Two chaps. in the middle of 2 Cor. are devoted to this business, which, as it seems, had moved slowly in the interval between the two Epp. The collection had been set on foot some time ago in Galatia (1Co 16:1); in Macedonia it had been warmly taken up (2 Corinthians 8 f.); from Act 20:4 we learn that “Asians” also (from Ephesus and the neighbourhood) accompanied P. in the deputation which conveyed the Gentile offering to the mother Church. A little later, in writing to Rome (1Co 15:25-32), the Ap. refers to the collection, with great satisfaction, as completed. Every province of the Pauline mission appears to have aided in this charity, which, while it relieved a distressing need, was prompted also by Paul’s warm love for his people (Rom 9:3), and by his desire to knit together the Gentile and Jewish sections of the Church, and to prove to the latter the true faith and brotherhood of the converts from heathenism (2Co 9:11-14). P. had taken part in a similar relief sent from Antioch many years before (Acts 11 f.); and in the Conference of Jerus., when the direction of the Gentile mission was committed to him, the heads of the Judæan Church laid on him the injunction to “remember the poor” (Gal 2:10). Foreign Jews were accustomed, as an act of piety, to replenish the poorfunds of the mother city. The Christian community of Jerus. suffered from chronic poverty. With little natural or commercial wealth, the city lived mainly upon its religious character-on the attractions of the Temple and the Feasts thronged by Jews from the whole world; and the Nazarenes, while suffering from the intense bigotry of their compatriots in other ways, would find it esp. difficult to participate in employments connected with religion. 1Th 2:14 intimates that the Judæan Churches had recently undergone severe persecution.
1Co 16:2 rehearses the rule previously laid down for Galatia: “On every first (day) of the week let each of you by himself (= at home) lay up, making a store (of it), whatever he may be prospered in”.-μίαν σαββάτου-’echäd shabbath or bashshabbâth-according to Hebrew idiom (see parls.) for the days of the week, the term κυριακὴ ἡμέρα (Rev 1:10) not being yet current, while the heathen name (dies solis) is avoided. The earliest mention of this Christian day, going to show that the First Day, not the Sabbath, was already the Sacred Day of the Church (cf. Act 20:7), appropriate therefore for deeds of charity (cf. Mat 12:12).-παρʼ ἑαυτῷ, apud se, chez lui (see parls).-θησαυρίζων, “making a treasure,” describes each householder “paulatim cumulum aliquem faciens” (Gr[2608]), till at the end the accumulated store should be paid over.-εὐοδῶται (from εὖ and ὁδός, to send well on one’s way) is pr[2609] sbj[2610], with ἂν of contingency and ὅ, τι in acc[2611] of specification: any little superfluity that Providence might throw in a Cor[2612] Christian’s way, he could put into this sacred hoard (cf. 2Co 8:12). Many in this Church were slaves, without wages or stated income. The Vg[2613] renders, “quod si bene placuerit,” as though reading ὅ, τι ἐὰν εὐδοκῃ; and Bg[2614] wrongly, “quod commodum sit”.-ἵνα μή, ὅταν ἔλθω, τότε κ.τ.λ.: “that there may not be, when I come, collections going on then”. P. would avoid the unseemliness and the difficulty of raising the money suddenly, at the last moment; and he wishes when he comes to be free to devote himself to higher matters (cf. Act 6:2)-“tunc alia agens” (Bg[2615]).
[2608] Greek, or Grotius’ Annotationes in N.T.
[2609] present tense.
[2610] subjunctive mood.
[2611] accusative case.
[2612] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
[2613] Latin Vulgate Translation.
[2614] Bengel’s Gnomon Novi Testamenti.
[2615] Bengel’s Gnomon Novi Testamenti.
1Co 16:3-4. The Cor[2616] are to choose delegates to bear their bounty, who will travel to Jerus. with P., if this be deemed fit. Act 20:1-4 shows that in the event a large number of representatives of Gentile Churches voyaged with P., doubtless on this common errand.-διʼ ἐπιστολῶν may qualify either δοκιμάσητε (Bz[2617], Cv[2618], Est., A.V. and R.V. txt., Ed[2619]) or πέμψω (R.V. marg., with Gr[2620] Ff[2621], and most moderns). Being chosen by the Cor[2622], the delegates surely must have credentials from them (cf. 2Co 3:1, and Acts 15, for such letters passing from Church to Church; also 1 Clem. ad Corinth.). At the same time, as P. is directing the whole business, he will “send” the deputies and introduce them at Jerus. On δοκιμάζω, see note to 1Co 3:13.-ἐὰν δὲ ἄξιον ᾖ κ.τ.λ., “But if it be worth while that I should journey too, they shall journey with me”-a hint that P. would only take part in presenting the collection if the character of the aid sent made it creditable; otherwise the delegates must go alone; he will not associate himself with a mean charity. The inf[2623] (in gen[2624] case), τοῦ κἀμὲ πορεύεσθαι, depends on ἄξιον-“worthy of my going,” “si dignum fuerit ut et ego earn” (Vg[2625]); it can hardly be softened into “if it be right (seemly on any ground: as in 2Th 1:3, where ἄξιον is unqualified) that I should go” (Ed[2626])-as though the Ap. deprecated being obtrusive; he is guarding his self-respect, being scarcely sure of the liberality of the Cor[2627] “Justa estimatio sui non est superbia” (Bg[2628]).
[2616] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
[2617] Beza’s Nov. Testamentum: Interpretatio et Annotationes (Cantab., 1642).
[2618] Calvin’s In Nov. Testamentum Commentarii.
[2619] T. C. Edwards’ Commentary on the First Ep. to the Corinthians.2
[2620] Greek, or Grotius’ Annotationes in N.T.
[2621] Fathers.
[2622] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
[2623] infinitive mood.
[2624] genitive case.
[2625] Latin Vulgate Translation.
[2626] T. C. Edwards’ Commentary on the First Ep. to the Corinthians.2
[2627] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
[2628] Bengel’s Gnomon Novi Testamenti.
1Co 16:5-12. § 58. VISITS TO CORINTH. The arrangements for the Collection have led P. to speak of his approaching visit to Cor[2629], and he explains more definitely his plans in this respect (1Co 16:5-9). Timothy’s coming, though not certain, may be looked for speedily; and the Ap., with some solicitude, asks for him considerate treatment (1Co 16:10 f.). Apollos is not coming at present, as the Cor[2630] seem to have desired and as Paul had urged upon him; he prefers to wait until circumstances are more favourable (1Co 16:12).
[2629] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
[2630] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
1Co 16:7. “For I would not see you now, in passing; for (γὰρ) I hope to stay some length of time (χρόνον τινὰ) with you, if the Lord permit.” P. could have crossed by sea and taken Cor[2640] on his way to Mac. (cf. 2Co 1:15 f.); the Cor[2641] had requested his speedy coming, which might have been so arranged. But such a visit could only have been ἐν παρόδῳ (explaining the ἄρτι), “in the way-by,” as the summer must be devoted to Mac.; this flying visit would not be of service; there is much to be done at Cor[2642] (1Co 11:34, etc), and when the Ap. does come he means to stay “some time“. His recent short visit had been very unsatisfactory (see Introd., chap. 2).-For ἄρτι, see note on 1Co 4:2; it is in tacit contrast with the future, as in 1Co 13:12. For ἐπιμεῖναι, “to stay on” (in time)-distinguished from καταμένω, “to stay fixedly” (in place or condition: 6), see parls.-ἐὰν ὁ Κύρ. κ.τ.λ., see parls., also to 1Co 4:19,-pia conditio (Bg[2643]): Paul’s plans have been repeatedly overruled (Act 16:6 f.; 1Th 2:18). He says “if the Lord permit,” thinking of his visit as a pleasure; but “if the Lord will,” in the parl[2644] clause, 1Co 4:18 f., viewing it as a painful duty.
[2640] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
[2641] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
[2642] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
[2643] Bengel’s Gnomon Novi Testamenti.
[2644] parallel.
1Co 16:8-9. “But I stay on in Ephesus until the Pentecost”-τῆς πεντηκοστῆς (ἡμέρας), “the fiftieth day” from the 16th Nisan in the Passover Feast (see parls.). This suggests that P. is writing not very long before Whitsuntide; 1Co 5:6 ff. indicated a date for the Ep. immediately antecedent to Easter. 1Co 16:9 explains why the Ap. must remain at Eph. some time longer, although required at Cor[2645]: “for a door is open to me, great and effectual, and (there are) many adversaries”. This θύρα is defined in Col 4:3 (cf. 2Co 2:12) as a θύρα τοῦ λόγου-a door open to the preacher; in Act 14:27 it is seen from the other side, as θύρα πίστεως-a door for the entrance of the believing hearer; see parls. for kindred applications of the figure. The door is μεγάλη in respect of its width and the region into which it opens, ἐνεργής in respect of the influence gained by entering it.-ἀντικείμενοι πολλοί (cf. 1Co 15:32): an additional reason for not retreating; cf. Php 1:28. The terrible riot that shortly afterwards drove Paul from Eph. verified this statement (Acts 19). Evangelism flourishes under fierce opposition; “Sæpe bonum et, contra id, malum simul valde vigent” (Bg[2646]).
[2645] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
[2646] Bengel’s Gnomon Novi Testamenti.
1Co 16:10-11. ἐὰν (not ὅταν) δὲ ἔλθῃ Τιμόθεος: “But if Timothy come”-his coming is not certain. He and Erastus have been before this sent to Macedonia (Act 19:21 f.) in advance of P., with instructions to go forward to Cor[2647] (1Co 4:17 above); he might be expected to arrive about the same time as this letter. But local circumstances, or even the report of the unfriendly attitude of the Cor[2648] (Ed[2649]), might detain him in Mac. He is found in Mac. with P. when some months later 2 Cor. is written: there is no explicit ref[2650] in that Ep. to Timothy’s presence at Cor[2651] in the interval; but Titus’ visit and report are largely in evidence. Ed[2652] says, “In point of fact he (Tim.) did not come “(cf. Lt[2653], Journal of Sac. and Cl[2654] Philology, ii., 198 ff.; also El[2655]). But this assertion is too positive. In 1Co 4:17 above P. announced Tim.’s coming definitely and laid stress upon it. Tim. shares in the Address of 2 Cor., and the fact that he is associated by the Ap. with himself in the significant “we” of 1Co 7:2 ff. (cf. 1Co 2:5-11) points to his being involved in some way in the “grief” which P. had suffered from Cor[2656] subsequently to the writing of 1 Cor. Very possibly Timothy was the ἀδικηθεὶς of 2Co 7:12, in whose person, seeking as he did to carry out the directions of 1Co 4:17, Paul had been insulted by some prominent Cor[2657] Christian (ὁ ἀδικήσας).-If this actually happened, the apprehensions expressed here about the treatment Tim. might receive, proved only too well-founded: “see (to it) that without fear he may be with you” (or hold converse with you: γένηται πρὸς ὑμᾶς, see 1Co 2:3, and parls.) … “let no one then set him at naught”. These words point to Timothy’s diffidence, as well as to his comparative youth: see 1Ti 4:12, and the vein of exhortation in 2Ti 2:1-13 and 2Ti 3:10 to 2Ti 4:18. Tim. was P.’s complement, as Melanchthon was Luther’s-gentle, affectionate, studious, but not of robust or masculine character. The temper of the Cor[2658] Church would be peculiarly trying and discouraging to him. Paul hopes that regard for him will have some restraining effect upon the Cor[2659]-τὸ γὰρ ἔργον Κυρίου (cf. 1Co 15:58) κ.τ.λ. identifies Timothy in the strongest way with P. himself: cf. 1Co 4:17, Php 2:20; similarly respecting Titus, in 2Co 8:23. For ἐξουθενέω, see parls.-“But send him forward in peace”-for if Tim. attempts the task indicated in 1Co 4:17, a rupture is very possible, such as, we gather from 2 Corinthians 2, 7, actually ensued.-From the following words, “that he may come to me, for I am awaiting him,” it appears that P. expects Tim’s return before he leaves Eph.: cf., for the vb[2660], 1Co 11:33.-It is doubtful whether μετὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν qualifies the subject-“I with the brethren”-those of 1Co 16:12-18, the Cor[2661] brethren now in Eph. and interested in Tim’s success at Cor[2662], who are delaying their return until he brings his report (so Hf[2663], Gd[2664]); or the object-“I await him with (= and) the brethren,” i.e. those, including possibly Erastus, whom P. expects to arrive at Eph. from Cor[2665] along with Tim. (so most interpreters). The relevancy of the words on the latter construction is not obvious. On the former view, “the brethren” of 1Co 16:11-12 are the same, being the deputies who had brought over the Cor[2666] Church Letter to P., and who are now awaiting Tim’s return before they themselves return home. This hints an additional reason why the Cor[2667] should with all speed send Timothy back to Paul “in peace”.
[2647] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
[2648] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
[2649] T. C. Edwards’ Commentary on the First Ep. to the Corinthians.
[2650] reference.
[2651] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
[2652] T. C. Edwards’ Commentary on the First Ep. to the Corinthians.
[2653] J. B. Lightfoot’s (posthumous) Notes on Epp. of St. Paul (1895).
[2654] classical.
[2655] C. J. Ellicott’s St. Paul’s First Epistle to the Corinthians.
[2656] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
[2657] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
[2658] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
[2659] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
[2660] verb
[2661] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
[2662] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
[2663] J. C. K. von Hofmann’s Die heilige Schrift N.T. untersucht, ii. 2 (2te Auflage, 1874).
[2664] F. Godet’s Commentaire sur la prem. Ép. aux Corinthiens (Eng. Trans.).
[2665] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
[2666] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
[2667] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
1Co 16:12. The manner in which the clause Περὶ δὲ Ἀπολλὼ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ is loosely prefixed to the statement of this ver. (“Now about Apollos the brother”-) suggests that Apollos’ coming had been mentioned in the Church Letter: cf. 1Co 16:1, 1Co 7:1, etc. Respecting Apollos, see notes to 1Co 1:12, and Act 18:24 ff.-Considering the way in which Ap. had been made a rival to P. in Cor[2668], it shows magnanimity on Paul’s side to desire his return, and a modest delicacy on the side of Apollos to decline the request: καὶ πάντως οὐκ ἦν θέλημα ἵνα κ.τ.λ., “And there was no will at all (it was altogether contrary to his will) that he should come now”.-εὐκαιρέω (see parls.) denotes “to have good opportunity”. The present ferment at Cor[2669] affords no καιρὸς for Apollos’ coming. For πάντως, and θέλημα ἵνα, see parls.
[2668] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
[2669] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
1Co 16:13-18. § 59. CONCLUDING HOMILY. According to the Apostle’s wont, at the end of his letter he gathers up the burden of his message into a single concise and stirring exhortation (1Co 16:13 f.). Watchfulness, steadfastness, manly vigour, above all Christian love, were the qualities in which this Church was lacking. Their “love” they would have a particular opportunity of showing to the family of Stephanas, who had been foremost in works of benevolence (1Co 16:15 f.); for St. is now returning home in charge of this Ep. with his two companions, after they had brought the letter of the Church to P. and cheered him by their society. The deputation has done a timely public service in the best spirit; their kindly offices must be duly acknowledged (1Co 16:17 f.).
1Co 16:15-16 urge particular instances of the above ἐν ἀγάπῃ γινέσθω. The ἵνα clause of 1Co 16:16 is complementary to παρακαλῶ (see note on 1Co 1:10), and is suspended to make room for the explanatory οἴδατε … ἑαυτοὺς: “you know that the household of Stephanas is the first-fruit of Achaia, and that they set themselves for ministering to the saints”.-τὴν οἰκίαν κ.τ.λ., acc[2679] by attraction to οἴδατε, according to the well-known Gr[2680] usage with vbs. of this class (Wr[2681], p. 781). There were earlier individual converts in Achaia (see Act 17:34), but with this family the Gospel took root in the province and the earnest appeared of the subsequent ingathering: cf. Rom 16:5; also 1Co 1:16 above, and note. The St. family must have been of independent means; for ἔταξαν ἑαυτοὺς (they arrayed or appointed themselves-made this their business) implies a systematic laying out of themselves for service, such as is possible only to those free to dispose, as they choose, of their persons and their time; see this idiom in Plato, Rep., ii., 371C.-“The saints” can hardly be the Jerus. saints of 1Co 16:1, since εἰς διακονίαν is quite general, and the last words of 1Co 16:16 imply manifold Christian labour; the present commission of St. to Eph. is an instance of “service to the saints”.-P. “exhorts” his “brethren … that you also (in return for their service to you) submit yourselves to such as these (τ. τοιούτοις, referring to the interpolated οἴδατε κ.τ.λ.), and to every one that shares in the work and labours”. These persons did not constitute a body of Church officers; we find no traces as yet of an official order in the church of Cor[2682]: the Ap. enjoins spontaneous submission to the direction of those able and disposed to lead in good works. The prp[2683] in συν-εργοῦντι refers not to St. specifically, still less to P., but generally to co-operative labour in the Church, while κοπιῶντι implies labour carried to the point of toil or suffering (see note on κόπος, 1Co 3:8; also 1Co 15:58). Loyal and hard work in the cause of Christ earns willing respect and deference in the Church: cf. 1Th 5:12 f.
[2679] accusative case.
[2680] Greek, or Grotius’ Annotationes in N.T.
[2681] Winer-Moulton’s Grammar of N.T. Greek (8th ed., 1877).
[2682] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
[2683] preposition.
1Co 16:17-18. “But I rejoice at the presence (or coming) of Stephanas, and Fortunatus, and Achaïcus.” The stress lying on παρουσίᾳ explains the introductory δέ: “You must show respect to such men, when they reach home; but I am glad that just now they are here”.-Fortunatus (Lat. name, and common) and Achaïcus (Gr[2684], and rare) are Stephanas’ companions in the deputation; the three will speedily return to Cor[2685] Since P. thus commends them at the end of his Ep., written in reply to the Letter they had brought from Cor[2686], perhaps they were to be its bearers also. On Stephanas, see 1Co 1:16. The two latter names are also h.ll. in N.T.; a Fortunatus appears in Clement’s list of emissaries from Rom. to Cor[2687] (ad Cor. § 65). Ed[2688] supposes all three to be slaves (Achaïcus, at least, resembles a slave-name), and identifies them with οἱ τ. Χλοῆς of 1Co 1:11; but this does not comport with the position given to Stephanas in 1Co 16:15 f.; see, further, note on 1Co 1:11. (“I rejoice at their presence), because the (or my) lack of you these have filled up”. ὑμέτερον represents the objective gen[2689] (cf. 1Co 15:31): the presence of the three with P. could not make up any lack in Cor[2690], but it made up to P. for the absence of the Cor., supplying him, representatively, with their desired society. El[2691] and others read the poss. pron[2692] subjectively-“what you were lacking in (i.e., your want of access) towards me”: this constr[2693] is consistent with the usage of ὑστέρημα (see parls.); but the former suits better the antithesis to παρουσία (Ed[2694]), and Paul’s fine courtesy.-“For they refreshed my spirit-and yours.” ἀναπαύω (see parls.) describes the restful effect of friendly converse and sympathy. Paul adds καὶ ὑμῶν, realising that the comfort of heart received by himself will react upon his friends at Cor[2695]: the Cor[2696] will be cheered to know that their fellowship, in the persons of S., [2697]., and A., has so greatly cheered him at a time of weariness and heavy trial (cf. 2Co 2:3; 2Co 7:3).
[2684] Greek, or Grotius’ Annotationes in N.T.
[2685] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
[2686] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
[2687] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
[2688] T. C. Edwards’ Commentary on the First Ep. to the Corinthians.2
[2689] genitive case.
[2690] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
[2691] C. J. Ellicott’s St. Paul’s First Epistle to the Corinthians.
[2692] pronoun.
[2693] construction.
[2694] T. C. Edwards’ Commentary on the First Ep. to the Corinthians.2
[2695] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
[2696] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.
[2697] Codex Augiensis (sæc. ix.), a Græco-Latin MS., at Trinity College, Cambridge, edited by Scrivener in 1859. Its Greek text is almost identical with that of , and it is therefore not cited save where it differs from that MS. Its Latin version, f, presents the Vulgate text with some modifications.
1Co 16:18 b repeats in another form the advice of 1Co 16:16 : “Acknowledge (know well) then such men as these”. For τοὺς τοιούτους, see parls., and 1Co 16:16.-ἐπιγινώσκω (see parls.) denotes strictly accurate knowledge, of persons or things; but knowledge of personal qualities implies corresponding regard to and treatment of those who possess such qualities: cf. 1Th 5:12 f.
1. But concerning the collection Luke relates (Act 11:28) that the prediction of Agabus, foretelling that there would be a famine under Claudius Caesar, gave occasion for alms being collected by the saints, with the view of affording help to the brethren in Jerusalem. For though the Prophet had foretold, that this calamity would be generally prevalent almost throughout the world, yet as they were more heavily oppressed with penury at Jerusalem, and as all the Gentile Churches were bound, if they would not be held guilty of very great ingratitude, to afford aid to that place from which they had received the gospel, every one, consequently, forgetful of self, resolved to afford relief to Jerusalem. That the pressure of want was felt heavily at Jerusalem, appears from the Epistle to the Galatians, (Gal 2:10,) where Paul relates, that he had been charged by the Apostles to stir up the Gentiles to afford help. (149) Now the Apostles would never have given such a charge, had they not been constrained by necessity. Farther, this passage is an evidence of the truth of what Paul states there also — that he had been careful to exhort the Gentiles to afford help in such a case of necessity. Now, however, he prescribes the method of relief; and that the Corinthians may accede to it the more readily, he mentions that he had already prescribed it to the Churches of Galatia; for they would necessarily be the more influenced by example, as we are wont to feel a natural backwardness to anything that is not ordinarily practiced. Now follows the method — by which he designed to cut off all hinderances and impediments.
(149) “D’inciter les Gentiles a subuenir a la pourete qui y estoit;” — “To stir up the Gentiles to relieve the poverty that existed there.”
2. On one of the Sabbaths. The end is this — that they may have their alms ready in time. He therefore exhorts them not to wait till he came, as anything that is done suddenly, and in a bustle, is not done well, but to contribute on the Sabbath what might seem good, and according as every one’s ability might enable — that is, on the day on which they held their sacred assemblies. The clause rendered on one of the Sabbaths, ( κατὰ μίαν σαββάτων ,) Chrysostom explains to mean — the first Sabbath. In this I do not agree with him; for Paul means rather that they should contribute, one on one Sabbath and another on another; or even each of them every Sabbath, if they chose. For he has an eye, first of all, to convenience, and farther, that the sacred assembly, in which the communion of saints is celebrated, might be an additional spur to them. Nor am I more inclined to admit the view taken by Chrysostom — that the term Sabbath is employed here to mean the Lord’s day, (Rev 1:10,) for the probability is, that the Apostles, at the beginning, retained the day that was already in use, but that afterwards, constrained by the superstition of the Jews, they set aside that day, and substituted another. Now the Lord’s day was made choice of, chiefly because our Lord’s resurrection put an end to the shadows of the law. Hence the day itself puts us in mind of our Christian liberty. We may, however, very readily infer from this passage, that believers have always had a certain day of rest from labor — not as if the worship of God consisted in idleness, but because it is of importance for the common harmony, that a certain day should be appointed for holding sacred assemblies, as they cannot be held every day. For as to Paul’s forbidding elsewhere (Gal 4:10) that any distinction should be made between one day and another, that must be understood to be with a view to religion, (150) and not with a view to polity or external order. (151)
Treasuring up I have preferred to retain the Greek participle, as it appeared to me to be more emphatic. (152) For although θησανρίζειν means to lay up, yet in my opinion, he designed to admonish the Corinthians, that whatever they might contribute for the saints would be their best and safest treasure. For if a heathen poet could say — “What riches you give away, those alone you shall always have, (153) how much more ought that consideration to have influence among us, who are not dependent on the gratitude of men, but have God to look to, who makes himself a debtor in the room of the poor man, to restore to us one day, with large interest, whatever we give away? (Pro 19:17.) Hence this statement of Paul corresponds with that saying of Christ —
Lay up for yourselves treasure in heaven, where it will not be exposed either to thieves, or to moths. (Mat 6:20.)
According as he has prospered. Instead of this the old translation has rendered it, What may seem good to him, misled, no doubt, by the resemblance between the word made use of, and another. (154) Erasmus renders it, What will be convenient. (155) Neither the one nor the other pleased me, for this reason — that the proper signification of the word brings out a meaning that is much more suitable; for it means — to go on prosperously. Hence he calls every one to consider his ability — “Let every one, according as God hath blessed him, lay out upon the poor from his increase.”
(150) See Calvin’s Institutes, volume 1.
(151) “Quand on le fait pour deuotion, comme cela estant vn seruice de Dieu, et non pas pour la police externe;” — “When it is done for the sake of devotion, as though it were a service done to God, and not with a view to external polity’.”
(152) “On a par ci deuant traduit, amassant; mais i’ay mieux aired retenir la propriete du mot Grec;” — “The word before us has been rendered laying up; but I have preferred to retain the peculiar force of the Greek word.”
(153) “Quas dederis, solas semper habebis opes.” (Martial. Epage 5:42.) A similar sentiment occurs in the writings of the poet Rabirius. “ Hoc habeo, luodeunque dedi;” — “ I have whatever I have given away.” (See Seneca, ib. 6, de Beneft) Alexander the Great, (as stated by Plutarch,) when asked where he had laid up his treasures, answered, “ Apud amicos;” — “Among my friends.” — Ed.
(154) “ S’abusant a l’affinite des deux mots Grecs;” — “ Misled by the resemblance between two Greek words.” Calvin’s meaning seems to be that the verb εὐοδόομαι, (to be prospered,) made use of here by Paul, had been confounded with εὐδοκέω (to seem good.) Wiclif (1380) in accordance with the Vulgate, renders as follows — Kepynge that that plesith to hym. — Ed.
(155) “C’est a dire, selon sa commodite;” — “That is to say, according to his convenience.”
3. And when I come As we are cheerful in giving, when we know for certain, that what we give is well laid out, he points out to the Corinthians a method, by which they may be assured of a good and faithful administration — by selecting approved persons, to whom they may intrust the matter. Nay more, he offers his own services, if desired, which is an evidence that he has the matter at heart.
5. When I shall pass through Macedonia The common opinion is, that this espistle was sent from Philippi. Persons coming thence to Corinth by land, required to pass through Macedonia; for that colony is situated in the farthest extremity, towards the Emathian mountains. Paul, it is true, might, instead of going by land, have gone thither by sea, but he was desirous to visit the Macedonian Churches, that he might confirm them in passing. So much for the common opinion. To me, however, it appears more probable, that the epistle was written at Ephesus; for he says a little afterwards, that he will remain there until Pentecost, (1. o 16:8) (156); and he salutes the Corinthians, not in the name of the Philippians, but of the Asiatics. (1. o 16:19.) (157) Besides, in the second epistle he explicitly states, that, after he had sent away this epistle, he passed over into Macedonia. (2. o 2:13.) Now after passing through Macedonia, he would be at a distance from Ephesus, and in the neighborhood of Achaia. Hence I have no doubt that he was at Ephesus at that time: thence he could sail by a straight course to Achaia. For visiting Macedonia, a long circuit was needed, and a more disagreeable route. Accordingly he lets them know that he will not come to them by a direct course, as he required to go through Macedonia
To the Corinthians, however, he promises something farther — that he would make a longer stay with them By this he shows his affection towards them. For what reason had he for delay, except that he was concerned as to their welfare? On the other hand, he lets them know how fully assured he is of their affection towards him in return, by taking it, as it were, for granted that he would be conducted forward by them in the way of kindness; for he says this from confidence in their friendship. (158)
After saying everything, however, he subjoins this limitation —if the Lord permit With this reservation, saints ought to follow up all their plans and deliberations; for it is an instance of great rashness to undertake and determine many things for the future, while we have not even a moment in our power. The main thing indeed is, that, in the inward affection of the mind, we submit to God and his providence, whatever we resolve upon; (159) but at the same time, it is becoming that we should accustom ourselves to such forms of expression, that whenever we have to do with what is future we may make everything depend on the divine will. (160)
(156) “St. Paul was now at Ephesus; for almost all allow, in opposition to the subscription at the end of this epistle, that states it to have been written from Philippi, that it was written from Ephesus; and this is supported by many strong arguments; and the 8. h verse here seems to put it past all question: I will tarry at Ephesus; i.e., I am in Ephesus, and here I purpose to remain until Pentecost.” — Dr. Adam Clarke.nEd.
(157) “The Churches of Asia salute you, i.e., the Churches in Asia Minor. Ephesus was in this Asia, and it is clear from this that the Apostle was not at Philippi. Had he been at Philippi, as the subscription states, he would have said, The Churches of Macedonia, not the Churches of Asia, salute you.” — Dr. Adam Clarke. — Ed.
(158) “Ils le conduiront par tout ou il ira;” — “They will conduct him forward wherever he may go.”
(159) “Tout ce que nous entreprenons et consultons;” — “Everything that we undertake and resolve upon.”
(160) “De remettre a la volonte de Dieu tout ce que nous entreprendrons pour le temps aduenir;” — “So as to give up to the will of God everything that we shall undertake for the time to come.
8. I will remain. From this statement I have argued above, that this epistle was sent from Ephesus, rather than from Philippi. For the probability is, that the Apostle speaks of the place in which he was at the time, and not of a place, in going to which he would require to make a long circuit; and farther, in passing through Macedonia, (163) it would have been necessary to leave Corinth when already in the neighborhood of it, and cross the sea in order to reach Ephesus. He accordingly tells them beforehand that he will remain at Ephesus until Pentecost, adding the reason — in order that they may wait for him the more patiently. Erasmus has preferred to render it — until the fiftieth day, influenced by frivolous conjectures rather than by any solid argument. He objects, that there was as yet no day of Pentecost appointed among Christians, as it is now celebrated; and this I grant. He says, that it ought not to be understood as referring to the Jewish solemnity, because in various instances he annuls and condemns the superstitious observance of days. (Gal 4:10; Rom 14:5; Col 2:16.) I do not concede to him, however, that Paul celebrated that day at Ephesus from being influenced by a superstitious regard to the day, but because there would be a larger assembly at that time, and he hoped that, in that way, an opportunity would be presented to him of propagating the gospel. Thus, when he was hastening forward to Jerusalem, he assigned as the reason of his haste, that he might arrive there at Pentecost, (Act 20:16;) but while others presented themselves there for the purpose of sacrificing according to the ritual of the law, he himself had another object in view — that his ministry might be the more useful in proportion to the largeness of the attendance. It were, however, an excessively poor meaning to understand Paul here as simply specifying fifty days. Besides, when he expressly says τὴν πεντηκοστήν (the Pentecost,) he cannot but be understood as speaking of a particular day. As to this festival, see Lev 23:16
(163) “En passant de Philippes par Macedone;” — “In passing from Philippi through Macedonia.”
9. For a great and effectual door is opened to me. He assigns two reasons for remaining for a longer time at Ephesus — 1. t, Because an opportunity is afforded him there of furthering the gospel; and 2. ly, Because, in consequence of the great number of adversaries that were there, his presence was particularly required. “I shall do much good by prolonging my stay here for a little while, and were I absent, Satan would do much injury.” In the first clause, he makes use of a metaphor that is quite in common use, when he employs the term door as meaning an opportunity. For the Lord opened up a way for him for the furtherance of the gospel. He calls this a great door, because he could gain many. He calls it effectual, inasmuch as the Lord blessed his labor, and rendered his doctrine effectual by the power of His Spirit. We see, then, how this holy man (164) sought everywhere Christ’s glory, and did not select a place with a view to his own convenience or his own pleasure; but simply looked to this — where he might do most good, and serve his Lord with most abundant fruit; and in addition to this, he did not merely not shrink back from hardships, but presented himself, of his own accord, where he saw that he would have to contend more keenly, and with greater difficulty. For the reason why he remained (165) was, that many adversaries were at hand; and the better equipped he was for enduring their assault, he required to be so much the better prepared, and the more resolute.
(164) “Ce sainct Apostre;” — “This holy Apostle.”
(165) “En Ephese;” — “In Ephesus.”
10. But if Timothy come. He speaks as if he were not as yet certain as to his coming. Now he charges them as to Timothy, so that he may be with them in safety — not as though he were in danger of his life among them, but because he would have enemies of Christ (166) to oppose him. He wishes, therefore, that they should carefully take heed that no injury be done to him.
He adds the reason — for he worketh the work of the Lord Hence we infer, that the Church of Christ ought to be concerned for the preservation of the lives of ministers. And assuredly, it is reasonable, that, in proportion as an individual is endowed with superior gifts for the edification of believers, and applies himself to it the more strenuously, his life ought to be so much dearer to us.
The clause — as I also do, is made use of, either to express his excellence, or simply to point out the similarity as to office, inasmuch as both labored in the word.
(166) “Beaucoup d’ennemis de Christ;” — “Many enemies of Christ.”
11. Let no man, therefore, despise him Here we have a second charge, that they may not despise him — perhaps because he was as yet of a youthful age, which usually draws forth less respect. He wishes them, therefore, to take care, that there be no hinderance in the way of this faithful minister of Christ being held in due esteem — unless, perhaps, it be that Paul reckoned this very thing to be an evidence of contempt, if they were not concerned, as it became them to be, in reference to his life. This injunction, however, appears to include something farther, that they should not undervalue Timothy, from ignorance of his worth.
In the third place, he charges them to conduct him forward in peace, or, in other words, safe from all harm, for peace here means safety.
12. As to our brother Apollos. He had succeeded Paul in the work of building up the Corinthians; and hence he has in previous passages ascribed to him the office of watering. (1. o 3:6, and Act 19:1.) He now states a reason why he does not come with the others, and he states the reason of this, in order that the Corinthians may not suspect that he had been hindered by him. For the better he was known by them, they were so much the more favourably disposed towards him, and they would be the more ready to conjecture, that matters had been designedly contrived, that he should not go to them, in consequence of offense having been taken. (167) They might, at least, be prepared to inquire among themselves: “Why has he sent these persons to us rather than Apollos?” He answers, that it was not owing to him, inasmuch as he entreated him; but he promises that he will come as soon as he has opportunity.
(167) “Que sainct Paul se sentant offense par les Corinthiens, auoit attitre cela tout expres, qu’ Apollos n’allast point vers eux;” — “That St. Paul feeling offended with the Corinthians, had intentionally brought it about, that Apollos should not go to them.”
13. Watch ye. A short exhortation, but of great weight. He exhorts them to watch, in order that Satan may not oppress them, finding them off their guard. For as the warfare is incessant, the watching requires to be incessant too. Now watchfulness of spirit is this — when, free and disentangled from earthly cares, we meditate on the things of God. For as the body is weighed down by surfeiting and drunkenness, (Luk 21:34,) so as to be fit for nothing, so the cares and lusts of the world, idleness or carelessness, are like a spiritual surfeiting that overpowers the mind. (169)
The second thing is that they persevere in the faith, or that they hold fast the faith, so as to stand firm; because that is the foundation on which we rest. It is certain, however, that he points out the means of perseverance — by resting upon God with a firm faith.
In the third exhortation, which is much of the same nature, he stirs them up to manly fortitude. And, as we are naturally weak, he exhorts them fourthly to strengthen themselves, or gather strength. For where we render it be strong, Paul makes use of only one word, which is equivalent to strengthen yourselves.
(169) “Sont comme vne yurongnerie spirituelle, qui assopit et estourdit l’entendement;” — “Are like a spiritual drunkenness, which makes the mind drowsy and stupid.”
14. Let all your things be done in love Again he repeats what is the rule in all those transactions, in which we have dealings with one another. He wishes, then, that love shall be the directress; because the Corinthians erred chiefly in this respect — that every one looked to himself without caring for others.
15. Ye know the house of Stephanas We know, from daily experience, of what advantage it is, that those should have the highest authority, whom God has adorned with the most distinguished gifts. Accordingly, if we wish to secure the welfare of the Church, let us always take care that honor be conferred upon the good: let their counsels have the greatest weight; let others give way to them, and allow themselves to be governed by their prudence. This Paul does in this instance, when admonishing the Corinthians to show respect to the house of Stephanas. Some manuscripts add, and Fortunatus. (170) For God manifests himself to us when he shows us the gifts of his Spirit. Hence, if we would not appear to be despisers of God, let us voluntarily submit ourselves to those, on whom God has conferred superior gifts.
Now, that they may be the more inclined to put honor upon that house, (for as to the other, it appears to me to be, in this place at least, a spurious addition,) he reminds them that they were the first-fruits of Achaia, that is, that the household of Stephanas were the first that had embraced the gospel. Not indeed as though the first in order of time were in every case superior to the others, but where there is perseverance along with this, it is with good reason, that honor is conferred upon those, who have in a manner paved the way for the gospel by promptitude of faith. It must be observed, however, that he dignifies with this honorable title those, who had consecrated to believers their services and resources. For the same reason, he bestows commendation a little afterwards upon Fortunatus and Achaicus, that, in proportion to a man’s superiority of excellence, (171) he might be held so much the more in esteem, that he might be able to do the more good. Farther, in order that the Corinthians may be the more disposed to love them, he says, that what had been wanting on the part of their entire Church had been compensated for by their vicarious services.
(170) The Alex. and Copt. MSS. read — and Fortunatus. The Vulgate reads — Fortunatum et Achaicum ; in accordance with which the rendering in Wiclif (1380) is, Ye knowen the hous of stephart and of fortunati, and acacie. The Rheims version (1582) reads — You know the house of Ste-phanas and of Fortunatus. — Ed.
(171) “Selon que chacun estoit plus homme de bien et vertueux;” — “In proportion as an individual was an honorable and virtuous man.”
19. With the Church that is in their house A magnificent eulogium, inasmuch as the name of the Church is applied to a single family! At the same time it is befitting, that all the families of the pious should be regulated in such a manner as to be so many little Churches. As to the term Congregation, which Erasmus has used in preference, it is foreign to Paul’s design; for it was not his intention to designate a crowd of persons by a mere common term, but to speak in honorable terms of the management of a Christian household. His saluting them in the name of Aquila and Priscilla, confirms what I have noticed above — that the Epistle was written at Ephesus, not at Philippi. For Luke informs us, that they remained at Ephesus, when Paul went elsewhere. (Act 18:19.)
20. Salute one another with a holy kiss. The practice of kissing was very common among the Jews, as is manifest from the Scriptures. In Greece, though it was not so common and customary, it was by no means unknown; but the probability is, that Paul speaks here of a solemn kiss, with which they saluted each other in the sacred assembly. For I could easily believe, that from the times of the Apostles a kiss was used in connection with the administration of the Supper; (172) in place of which, among nations that were somewhat averse to the practice of kissing, there crept in the custom of kissing the patine. (173) However this may be, as it was a token of mutual love. I have no doubt, that Paul meant to exhort them to the cultivation of good-will among themselves — not merely in their minds (174) and in needful services, but also by that token, provided only it was holy, that is, neither unchaste nor deceitful, (175) — though, at the same time, holy may be taken to mean sacred.
(172) “That the Apostle,” says Dr. Brown in his Commentary on 1. t Peter, “meant the members of the Churches, on receiving this Epistle, to salute one another is certain; that he meant, that at all their religious meetings they should do so, is not improbable. That he meant to make this an everlasting ordinance in all Christian Churches, though it has sometimes been asserted, has never been proved, and is by no means likely. That the practice prevailed extensively, perhaps universally, in the earlier ages, is established on satisfactory evidence. ‘After the prayers,’ says Justin Martyr, who lived in the earlier part of the second century, giving an account in his Apology of the religious customs of the Christians — ’after the prayers, we embrace each other with a kiss.’ Tertullian speaks of it as an ordinary part of the religious services of the Lord’s day; and in the Apostolical Constitutions, as they are termed, the manner in which it was performed is particularly described. ‘Then let the men apart, and the women apart, salute each other with a kiss in the Lord.’ Origen’s Note on Rom 16:16, is: ‘From this passage the custom was delivered to the Churches, that, after prayer, the brethren should salute one another with a kiss.’ This token of love was generally given at the Holy Supper. It was likely, from the prevalence of this custom, that the calumny of Christians indulging in licentiousness at their religious meetings originated; and it is not improbable that, in order to remove everything like an occasion to calumniators, the practice which, though in itself innocent, had become not for the use of edifying, was discontinued.” — Brown’s Expository Discourses on 1. t Peter, volume in. pages 309, 310. “It is remarkable that, by the testimony of Suetonius, an edict was published by one of the Roman Emperors, for the abolition of this practice among his subjects, — perhaps in order to check abuses, for the prevention of which our Apostle enjoins that it shall be a holy salutation.” — Chalmers on the Romans, volume in. page 428. — Ed.
(173) By the patine or paten , is meant the plate or salver on which the wafer or bread was placed in the observance of the mass. The term is made use of by Dr. Stillingfleet in his “Preservative from Popery,” (title 7, chapter 5,) in speaking of the practice of the Church of Rome in the adoration of the host: “The priest in every mass, as soon as he has consecrated the bread and wine, with bended knees, he adores the sacrament; that which he has consecrated, that very thing which is before him, upon the patine , and in the chalice; and gives the same worship and subjection, both of body and mind, to it as he could to God or Christ himself.” In Young’s Lectures on Popery, (Loud. 1836,) page 140, the following account is given of the sacrifice of the mass: “Upon the altar is the chalice, or cup, which is to contain the wine, mixed with a little water; and covering the cup is the paten , or plate, intended to hold the cake or wafer. After an almost endless variety of movements, and forms, and prayers, and readings, the priest goes to the altar, and, taking the cup containing wine and water, with the wafer upon the cover, — these having been before consecrated and transubstantiated into the body and blood of Christ, — he raises his eyes and says, ‘Take, O Holy Trinity, this oblation, which I, unworthy sinner, offer in honor of thee, of the blessed Virgin Mary, and of all the saints, for the salvation of the living, and for the rest and quiet of all the faithful that are dead.’ Then, setting down the chalice, he says, ‘Let this sacrifice be acceptable to Almighty God.’” The name paten is preserved in the English Liturgy to this day. In the prayer of consecration, in the communion service — in connection with the words, “who, in the same night that he was betrayed, took bread,” it is said, “here the priest is to take the paten into his hands.” Calvin, when commenting upon Rom 16:16, after having stated that it was customary among the primitive Christians, before partaking of the Lord’s Supper, to kiss each other in token of sacred friendship, and afterwards to give alms, says, “ Hinc fluxit ritus ille, qui hodie est apud Papistas, osculandoe patents, et conferendse oblationis. Quorum alterum merae est superstitionis, sine ullo fructu: alterum non alto facit, nisi ad explendam sacerdotum avari-tiam, si tamen expleri posset;” — “ From this has sprung that ceremony which is at this day among Papists, of kissing the patine, and making an offering. The former is mere superstition without any advantage: the latter serves no purpose, except to satisfy the greed of the priests, if satis fied it can be.” Poole, in his Annotations on Rom 16:16, says, “The primitive Christians did use it” (the holy kiss) “in their assemblies; so Tertullian testifieth, (Lib. Dec.,) and they did it especially in receiving the Eucharist. So Chrysostom witnesseth, (Hom. 77. in Joh 16:0,) ‘we do well,’ saith he, ‘to kiss in the mysteries, that we may become one.’ This custom for good reasons is laid down, and the Romanists in room of it, keep up a foolish and superstitious ceremony, which is to kiss the pax in the mass.” — Ed.
(175) “Ou consistast en mine seulement;” — “Or consisted in mere appearance.”
22. If any man love not the Lord Jesus The close of the Epistle consists of three parts. He entreats the grace of Christ in behalf of the Corinthians: he makes a declaration of his love towards them, and, with the severest threatening, he inveighs against those that falsely took upon themselves the Lord’s name, while not loving him from the heart. For he is not speaking of strangers, who avowedly hated the Christian name, but of pretenders and hypocrites, who troubled the Churches for the sake of their own belly, or from empty boasting. (176) On such persons he denounces an anathema, and he also pronounces a curse upon them. It is not certain, however, whether he desires their destruction in the presence of God, or whether he wishes to render them odious — nay, even execrable, in the view of believers. Thus in Gal 1:8, when pronouncing one who corrupts the Gospel to be accursed, (177) he does not mean that he was rejected or condemned by God, but he declares that he is to be abhorred by us. I expound it in a simple way as follows: “Let them perish and be cut off, as being the pests of the Church.” And truly, there is nothing that is more pernicious, than that class of persons, who prostitute a profession of piety to their own depraved affections. Now he points out the origin of this evil, when he says, that they do not love Christ, for a sincere and earnest love to Christ will not suffer us to give occasion of offense to brethren. (178)
What he immediately adds — Maranatha, is somewhat more difficult. Almost all of the ancients are agreed, that they are Syriac terms. (179) Jerome, however, explains it: The Lord cometh; while others render it, At the coming of the Lord, or, Until the Lord comes. Every one, however, I think, must see how silly and puerile is the idea, that the Apostle spoke to Greeks in the Syriac tongue, when meaning to say — The Lord has come. Those who translate it, at the coming of the Lord, do so on mere conjecture; and besides, there is not much plausibility in that interpretation. How much more likely it is, that this was a customary form of expression among the Hebrews, when they wished to excommunicate any one. For the Apostles never speak in foreign tongues, except when they repeat anything in the person of another, as for example, Eli, Eli, lammah sabathani, (Mat 27:46,) Talitha cumi, (Mar 5:41,) and Ephphata, (Mar 7:34,) or when they make use of a word that has come into common use, as Amen — Hosanna. Let us see, then, whether Maranatha suits with excommunication. Now Bullinger, (180) on the authority of Theodore Bibliander, has affirmed, that, in the Chaldee dialect, Maharamata has the same meaning as the Hebrew term חרם, cherem, (accursed,) (181) and I was myself at one time assured of the same thing by Wolfgang Capito, (182) a man of blessed memory It is nothing unusual, however, for the Apostles to write such terms differently from the way in which they are pronounced in the language from which they are derived; as may be seen even from the instances brought forward above. Paul, then, after pronouncing an anathema on those who do not love Christ, (183) deeply affected with the seriousness of the matter, as if he reckoned that he had not said enough, added a term that was in common use among the Jews, and which they made use of in pronouncing a sentence of anathema — just as if, speaking in Latin, I should say, “I excommunicate thee,” but if I add — “and pronounce thee an anathema,” this would be an expression of more intense feeling. (184)
END OF THE COMMENTARIES ON THE FIRST EPISTLE.
(176) “Ne cherehans que le proufit de lents ventres, et leur propre gloire;” “Seeking only the profit of their bellies, and their own glory.”
(177) Calvin, when commenting on Gal 1:8, remarks that the original term there employed, anathema, denotes cursing, and answers to the Hebrew word חרם; and he explains the expression — “let him be accursed,” as meaning, “Let him be held by you as accursed.”
(178) “Car si nous aimons Christ purement, et a bon escient, ce nous sera vne bride qui nons retiendra de donner scandale a nos fieres;” — “ For if we love Christ sincerely and in good earnest, this will be a bridle to restrain us from giving offense to our brethren.”
(179) “ Que ce sont mots empruntez de la langue Syrienne;” — “That they are words borrowed from the Syriac language.”
(180) Beza, in his poems, has recorded the following tribute to the memory of this distinguished man —
“Henrici Bullingeri, Ecclesiastae Tigurini, spectatisa, doctrine, pictaris, et eximii candoris viri, memoriae;” — (To the memory of HENRY Bullinger, ecclesiastick of Tigurum, a man most distinguished for learning and piety, and extraordinary candour.)
“Doctrina si interire, si Pietas mori,
Occidere si Candor potest:
Doctrina, Pietas, Candor, hoc tumulo iacent,
Henrice, tecum condita.
Mori sed absit ilia posse dixerim;
Quae viuere jubent mortnos,
Immo interire forsan ilia si queant
Subireque tumuli specum,
Tu tu, illa doctis, tu piis, tu candidis,
Et non mori certissimis,
Edaci ab ipsa morte chartis asseras,
Ipso approbante Numine.
Foedus beatum! mortuum ilia to excitant,
Et tu mori ilia non sinis:
At hunc, amici, cur fleamus mortuum,
Qui viuat aliis et sibi ?”
“If Learning could expire, if Piety could die,
If Candour could sink down,
Learning, Piety, Candour, are laid in this mound,
O Henry, buried along with thee!
But forbid that I should say that those things could die,
Which command the dead to live.
Nay, if they could possibly expire,
And be entombed,
Thou, by thy writings learned, pious, candid,
And perfectly secured against death,
Wouldst shield them from devouring death,
The Deity himself approving.
Blessed agreement! They raise thee up from death,
And thou dost not suffer them to die!
But, my friends, why should we weep for him, as dead,
Who lives to others and himself?”
Beza’s “Poemata Varia,” —Ed.
(181) Thus in 1. g 20:42, we have the expression, איש-חרמי, (ish cheremi,) the man of my curse, or the man whom I anathematize. See also Isa 34:5; Zec 14:11. — Ed.
(182) Calvin, when commenting on Phi 3:5, having occasion to speak of the etymology of the term Pharisees, says that he considered it to be derived — not as was commonly supposed, from a word signifying to separate — -but from a term denoting interpretation, this having been the view given of it by Capito — “ sanctae memoriae viro,” — “a man of sacred memory.” It is stated by Beza in his life of Calvin, that when at Basle, Calvin lived on intimate terms with those two distinguished men, Simon Grynaeus and Wolfgang Capito, and devoted himself to the study of Hebrew. — Calvin’s Tracts, volume 1. — Ed.
(183) “ Ayant excommunie, et declare execrables ceux-la qui n’aiment point Iesus Christ;” — “Having excommunicated, and pronounced execrable those who do not love Jesus Christ.”
(184) “Μαρὰν ἀθὰ (Maran atha) is a Syro-Chaldee expression, signifying ‘the Lord is to come,’ i.e., will come, to take vengeance on the disobedient and vicious. Hence with the words Anathema Maranatha the Jews began their papers of excommunication.” — Bloomfield.
